Muslims: As has been said above, the period of Yadava supremacy ended with the invasions of Muslims from the north under Ala-ud-din Khilji and Malik Kafur. For about twenty years after Ala-ud-din Khilji's conquest (1294), most of the present district of Nasik formed part of the dominions of the tributary Yadavas of Devagiri. It then passed to the Delhi governors (1313-1347) of Devagiri or Daulatabad, and from them to the Bahamani kings (1347-1490) of Gulbarga, and lastly to Nizamshahi kings (1490-1636) of Ahmadnagar [Details win be found in the Ahmadnagar History. During these changes of overlords the local chiefs of the wild western Dang tracts seem to have been left practically independent. Mr. C. E. R. Tytler's Report on the Kavnai sub-division, 1853.]. In 1636 on the overthrow of the Nizamshahi dynasty, Nasik was included in the Moghal province of Aurangabad.

In 1297, after the defeat by Ulugh Khan, the general of Ala-ud-din Khilji, Ray Karan the last of the Anhilvada kings fled to Baglana where he maintained himself in independence, till in 1306 he was forced to take shelter with Ramdev of Devagiri [Elliot, III, 157, 163. Briggs' Ferishta, I, 367.]. But he did not long remain a burden to his host. He built the town and fortress of Nandurbar all the borders of Baglana where he set himself up as a semi-independent ruler [Commissariat, History of Gujarat, I, p. 4.].

In 1306, when Ramdev of Devagiri agreed to hold his territory as a tributary of Delhi, his power was extended to Baglana [Briggs' Ferishta, I. 369. Ramdev got the title of Ray Rayan and the district of Navasari in south Gujarat as a personal estate.]. Later on Malik Kafur, the general of Ala-ud-din Khilji, having passed through Malva, sent the royal order to Ray Karan to deliver up his daughter Devala Devi or be ready to withstand the imperial arms. Finding that his threats were of no avail Kafur continued his march to the south directing that Alp Khan, the first governor of Gujarat under the Khilji's, should follow the route leading through the mountains of Baglana and thus endeavor to secure the desired object. In the meanwhile Karan had made an effort to save his daughter by sending her to Devagiri far being married to Shankardev, but as fate would have it, she accidentally fell into the hands of Alp Khan's soldiers [Bhavan, VI, 32.]. During the period 1317-1347 Baglana became, at least in name, subject to the Musalman rulers of Daulatabad. It may here be mentioned that in the year 1342 Sultan Muhammad Tughluk marched in person to suppress the revolt in Gujarat. The rebels were defeated and they fled towards Devagiri. Malik Maqbul was sent in their pursuit. He followed the fugitives as far as Narmada, attacked and utterly routed them. Some of the most noted of the rebels fled upon bare backed horses to Man Dev, chief of the mountains of Salir and Malir (Salher and Mulher). Man Dev made them prisoners and plundered them of all the valuables they possessed. In the disturbances that marked the revolt of the Deccan against Delhi and the rise of the Bahamani dynasty (1347), much of the Nasik country seems to have become independent. The Bahamanis are said to have had no firm hold on the country along the Chandvad or Satmala hills, and apparently no hold at all over Baglana. A major portion of Nasik district then formed part of the province of Daulatabad under the Bahamanis  which was bounded on the north and north-east by the petty state of Baglana, Khandesh and the southern Puma river. In 1366, the Baglana chief is mentioned as taking part in an unsuccessful Maratha revolt under Govindadev against Muhammad Shah Bahamani [Scott's Deccan, I, 32-33.].  The revolt was engineered by Bahram Khan, who was encouraged to do so by the withdrawal of royal troops for campaigns in the Deccan. To the orders to surrender, he vouchsafed no reply and advanced against Khan Muhammad, the governor of Daulatabad, with his ally, the raja of Baglana. Sultan Muhammad Shah supported his general. ­On his approach the rebels dispersed and fled. A few years later, in 1370 when Malik Raja, the founder of the Faruqi dynasty, established himself in Khandesh, he marched against Raja Baharji, the Baglana chief, and forced him to pay a yearly tribute to Delhi [The first tribute included five large and ten small elephants, besides pearls, jewels, and money. Briggs' Ferishta, IV, 282.]. At the close of the century, on the establishment of the Musalman dynasty of Ahmadabad, Baglana seems to have become tributary to Gujarat. In 1429, Ahmad Shah Bahamani, then at war with Gujarat, laid the country waste and unsuccessfully attempted to take the fort of Tambol [Watson's History of Gujarat, 36.].

Towards the end of the fifteenth century, a Maratha chief seized the fort of Galna near Malegaon and plundered the country surround­ing. About 1487, two brothers, Malik Wagi and Malik Ashraf, the governors of Daulatabad, re-took Galna and brought the country into such excellent order that the roads to the frontier of Sultanpur, Nandurbar, Baglana and Gujarat, were safe enough for merchants and travellers to pass without a guard, and the people were happy and flourishing. In 1498 a grand alliance was formed between Ahmad­nagar, Bijapur and Berar under which Galna, Antora, etc., were to go to the Ahmadnagar Kingdom. In 1499  the Galna chief was reduced by Malik Ahmad Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar. In the disturbance that followed the murder of Malik Wagi, the Nasik chiefs again became independent, but were reduced to order in 1507 by Ahmad Nizam Shah [Briggs' Ferishta, III, 204; compare Scott's Ferishta, I, 352-55.]. It may be mentioned here that by this time the kingdom of Gujarat had reached its zenith under Mahmud Begada and his possessions extended upto Nasik, Trimbak and Baglana. The Baglana chief owed allegiance to the Sultans of Gujarat. On the death of Ahmad Nizam Shah in 1508, the Galna chief once more threw off his allegiance and was not made tributary till 1530, when with other Marathi chiefs, he was defeated and forced to pay tribute [Sayyad Ali has given a graphic account of the Burhan Nizam Shah's campaign of Mulher and Galna at about this time. He says that between the Nandurbar and Sultanpur districts of the Gujarat Kingdom and Ahmadnagar territory was situated on the border the State of Baglana. The ruler of this State was Raja Baharji. He was in possession of the famous fort of Galna. The fort was as if an entrance to the territory of Galna and was extremely strong and  well-fortified.

Burhan Nizam Shah decided to attack the fort. He marched against the fort and besieged it. The fort garrison tried in vain to resist the besieging army. Ultimately the garrison surrendered and handed over the fort to Burhan Nizam Shah. Nizam Shah let them free but destroyed the temples and buildings on the fort and raised mosques in their place. A considerable loot fell into the hands of Nizam Shah.

He appointed one of his trusted officers to the command of the fort and returned to the capital.

It was at this time that Burhan Nizam Shah resolved to capture the fort of Mushir-Mulher situated on the border of Gujarat and the Deccan. The fort was commanded by Bahir Darna, The fort was impregnable and practically unconquerable. Nizam Shah collected a considerable army and attacking it suddenly drove the garrison from the lower fort to the upper fort, Later the Nizamshahi troops tried to conquer the inner fort by escalating the walls. They repeatedly carried assaults. Many from the garrison were killed. In this situation Bahir Darna wrote to the Sultan of Gujarat, requesting for help. The Sultan of Gujarat thereupon informed Nizam Shah that "Bahir Darna is under my protection and as such it is not proper for you to attack him". On receiving this message Burhan Nizam Shah raised the siege of the fort and returned to his capital. (Ahmadnagarchi Nizamshahi, p. 70)

Sayyad Ali also mentions a number of Nasik forts in the possession of Burhan Nizam Shah. They were as under;­-

Maholi, Ranubari, Mulher, Galna, Chandur, Rola Chola, Kanchatana, Kantra, Anki, Alang Karang, Markoda, Bola, Trimbak, Anjir, Karkara, Harish, Rajder, Dhorap Vanki, Vanjarai, Alahavant, Manikpunj, Kodeval Wodhera, Talmal, Kavani, Koldevhir, Rajdevhir, Trimbak Vanaisa, Sinnar, and Patta.]. In 1527 in the campaign of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat against Ahmadnagar, the Rathor Raja of Baglana met him at Nandurbar, paid homage to him and entertained him in his fortress of Salher. The Raja of Baglana was ordered by Bahadur Shah to advance on Ahmadnagar by the more direct route of his own principality. The details of this campaign are too well known to be narrated here. In the meanwhile the Galna chiefs again freed themselves from tribute, and in 1559, had once more to be brought to order [Briggs' Ferishta, III. 239.]. The Baglana chief, however, seems to have continued to pay allegiance to the Gujarat kings whom he served with 3000 horse [Bird's Gujarat, 122.].

In 1573 the Mirza rebels against Akbar, were defeated. One of the Mirzas, Mirza Sharaf-ud-din Husain went towards the Deccan. He was, however, captured by the Raja of Baglana, who was now called upon to surrender him. He complied and Akbar's envoys brought the fugitive to his camp before Surat. After the annexation of Khandesh, Akbar arrived before Burhanpur on April 8, 1600. It was here that on 24th May Partab Baharji, Raja of Baglana, made his obeisance to Akbar and was rewarded with the command of 3000 horses.

The Tabakat-i-Akbari says in this connection that on the last day of the month, Raja Bihar Jin (Raja Baharji), Raja of the country of Baglana, captured and sent to His Majesty's presence Sharaf-ud-din Husain Mirza who, for ten years past, had been engaged in various turbulent and rebellious proceedings.

Baglana is described in the Ain-i-Akbari (1590) as a mountainous but well-peopled country between Surat and Nandurbar. The chief was of the Rathod tribe and commanded 8000 cavalry and 5000 infantry. Apricots, apples, grapes, pineapples, pomegranates, and citrons grew in perfection. It had seven forts, two of which, Mulher and Salher, were places of unusual strength [Gladwin's Ain-i-Akbari, II, 73­.].

When he conquered Khandesh in 1599, Akbar attempted to toke Baglana. Pratapshah, the chief, was besieged for seven years [Ogilby (1670, Atlas V) shows Baglana as the territory of Duke Pratapshah.], but as there was abundance of pasture, grain, and water, and as the passes were most strongly fortified and so narrow that not more than two men could march abreast. Akbar was in the end obliged to compound with the chief giving him Nizampur, Daito and Badur with several other villages. In return Pratapshah agreed to toke care of merchants passing through his territory, to send presents to the Emperor, and to leave one of his sons as a pledge at Burhanpur. The chief was said to have always in readiness 4,000 mares of an excellent breed and one hundred elephants [Finch in Kerr's Voyages, VIII, 278, and Harris' Voyages, I, 85.  Hawkins (1608) speaks of the chief of Cruly (Karoli) four miles south-east of Salher as a lord of a province between Daman, Gujarat, and the Deccan (Kerr's Voyages, VIII, 228). In 1609 the chief of Salher and Mulher furnished 3,000 men towards the force that was posted at Ramnagar in Dharampur to guard Surat from attack by Malik Amber of Ahmadnagar. Watson's Gujarat, 68.].

During the latter part of the sixteenth and the early years of the seventeenth century, the rest of the district enjoyed two periods of good government. Between 1580 and 1589, under Salabat Khan, the minister of Murtaza Nizam Shah the land was better governed than it had been since the reign of Mahmud Shah Bahmani (1378-1397) [Briggs' Ferishta, III, 262.]. Ahmadnagar fell to the Moghals in 1600. The fort of Nasik near Ahmadnagar was token soon after. Nasik again seems to have passed to the Ahmadnagar forces struggling against the Moghals. In 1601 Mirza Rustom was sent to Prince Daniyal who was conducting the operations against Ahmadnagar chiefs. Nasik fell into the hands of the Imperial Officers about this time. After the capture of Ahmadnagar by the Moghals (1600), most of the Nasik country passed under Mian Raju, who for some years divided the Ahmadnagar territories with his rival Malik Amber. Mian Raju was defeated by Malik Amber [Scott's Deccan, I, 401.] in 1603, and from that time till Malik Amber's death in 1626, Nasik once again enjoyed peace. The peace of the district was once disturbed  by the onslaught of the Moghals in 1611 when they invaded the Deccan. Abdulla Khan, the Moghal general, however, suffered a defeat this time. The details of this Moghal campaign are as under: Abdulla Khan along with the officers appointed under him marched towards Deccan with the army of Gujarat by way of Nasik, and Tirbang (Trimbak). It was agreed that another force under Raja Mansingh was to advance through Berar to keep up communications with Abdulla Khan. Abdulla Khan passed the ghats and entered the enemy territory without keeping communication with the forces under Raja Mansingh. As he approached Daulatabad, the Marathas hovered round him. Malik Amber inflicted heavy casualties upon him. It was, therefore, deemed expedient to retreat. It started the next day. The Moghals had to fight all the way back to Gujarat by the same route. On the following day, when they reached the frontier of Raja Baharji, an adherent of the imperial throne, the enemy retired and Abdulla Khan proceeded to Gujarat.

It was before the accession of Shah Jahan that  Khan Jahan Lodi, the Moghal Commander, was offered a heavy bribe by Hamid Khan, an Abyssinian slave who had wielded power in the Ahmadnagar court. Khan Jahan accepted the bribe and ordered the Commandants in the territory of Balaghat to evacuate their posts. Most of them complied (except the garrison at Ahmadnagar) and withdrew to Burhanpur.

Early in the reign of Shah Jahan (1629-30) Khan Jahan Lodi, the Governor of Malva, rebelled and joined Nizam Shah in the Deccan. A detachment of 8000 horse under Khvaja Abul Hasan was sent to recover Nasik, Trimbak, and Sangamner. After the rains, the Khvaja marched by way of Baglana where the chief met him with  400 horse. The revenue officers and husbandmen had left their villages and fled to the forests and hills. The land was waste, corn was dear, and the soldiers of the royal army were in want of food. Bodies of troops were sent into the hills and returned with abundance of corn and other necessaries. Sher Khan came from Gujarat with a reinforcement of about 26,000 men, took Chandvad, ravaged the country and returned with a tribute from the chief of Baglana. The details of this Moghal campaign in Badshahnama are as follows: "On the. 21st Ramzan (Hijri 1039-1629 A.D.) Khvaja Abul Hasan and …….. altogether about 8000 horse, were sent to effect the conquest of Nasik, Trimbak and Sangamner. It was settled that the Khvaja was to stay at some suitable position near the fort of Alang during the rainy season until he was joined by Sher Khan from the province of Gujarat with his provincial levies. After the end of the rains he was to march by way of Baglan and taking with him some of the Zamindars of the country, make his way to Nasik. The Khvaja marched from Burhanpur and in eight days reached the village of Dhaliya near the fort of Alang. There he halted until the rains should  cease …… Sher Khan, subhadar of  Gujarat, joined with 26,000 men and the Khvaja sent  him to attack the fort of Batora, in the vicinity of Chandor, near Nasik and Trimbak. Sher Khan ravaged the country and returned with great spoil.

At the conclusion of the rains, Khvaja Abul Hasan too, according to orders, marched from the vicinity of the fort of, Alang by way of Baglan towards Nasik and Trimbak. When he reached Baglana, the Zamindar of that country, by name Baharji, met him with four hundred horse ……. The Khvaja entered the enemy’s country by, way of the ghat of Jarahi. He found that the revenue officers and raiyats had left their villages had retired into the jungle and hills. The country was desolate, corn was dear, and the soldier of the royal army  were in want of necessaries. The Khvaja then sent detached forces into the hills and also into the inhabited country. They returned from each raid with abundance of corn and other necessaries, having killed or taken prisoner many of the enemy. The. Be-Nizam, now appointed Mahaldar, Khan with a party of horse and foot to vex the royal army at night with rockets. He was also directed to attack the parties sent out to gather fuel and fodder and to carry off their camels and bullocks whenever he could get a chance. Shah Navaz Khan was sent against these assailants. He, making a forced march of 20 kos, attached them to flight and returned with great plunder. The Khvaja next sent Khan Zaman to attack the enemy's camp at Sangamnir. This force made forced marches and reached the camp of the enemy who dispersed and fled to the fort of Chandor." In 1631 Sher Khan died at a place in Nasik district where he had proceeded with his army to co-operate with Khvaja Abul Hasan, (Commissariat, II, p.111). It may be mentioned here that the rebellion of Khan Jahan Lodi was ultimately crushed. At one time when the rebel, accompanied by Darya Khan, was being pursued in the province of Daulatabad, he went to Lasur and after a few days, to the vicinity of Daulatabad. From this place Darya Khan with a thousand Afghans separated from Khan Jahan and marched towards Chandor and the ghat of Chalisgaon with the intention of attacking Andol and Dharangaon. On receipt of the news of this movement of the rebels, Abdulla Khan was sent against Darya Khan who had already left Chandor and ravaged Andol, Dharangaon and sundry other places of the Payinghat of Chalisgaon. He was no more heard of in the Nasik region again [In 1630-31 there was a failure of rain and the country was wasted by famine. Over the whole of western India from Ahmadabad to Daulatabad, lands famed for their richness were utterly barren. Life was offered for a loaf, but none would buy; rank for a cake, but none cared for it; the ever bounteous hand was stretched to beg; and the rich wandered in search of food Dog's flesh was sold, and the pounded bones of the dead were mixed with flour. The flesh of a son was preferred to his love. The dying blocked the roads and those who survived fled. Food kitchens were opened, where every day soup and bread were distributed, and each Monday Rs. 5,000 were given to the deserving poor. The emperor and the nobles made great remissions of revenue. (Abdul Hamid's description: see Badshah Nama in Elliot's History, VII, 24-25).].  In this year also the fort Galna in Nasik district fell to the Moghals. Badshahnama gives the following details about the episode: After Fath Khan, son of Malik Amber, had put Nizam Shah to death, Mahmud Khan, the Commandant of the, fort of Galna, repudiated his authority and put the fortress in a state of defence, intending to deliver it over to Shahuji Bhonsla who, unmindful of the favours he had received from the imperial throne, had strayed from the path of obedience and had possessed himself of Nasik, Trimbak, Sangamnir, Junir, as far as the country of the Konkan. He had got into his power one of the relatives of the late Nizam Shah, who had been confined in one of the strongest fortresses in the kingdom, and raised the banner of independence. He (Mahmud Khan) wished to deliver the fort over to him. Khan Zaman who was acting as deputy of  his father in the government of the Dakhin, Berar and Khandesh, was informed of Mahmud Khan's proceedings. He wrote to Mir Kasim Khan I, Commandant of the fort of Alang, which is near to Galna. He directed him to endeavor by promises of imperial favour to will him over and prevent the surrender of the fortress to Shahuji Bhonsla. Mir Kasim communicated with Mahmud Khan on the subject, and the latter invited the Mir to come to him. After a good deal of talk, Mahmud Khan assented to the proposition and in the hope of a great reward delivered over the fort to the representatives of the emperor."

In 1632 the Moghals captured the fortress of Daulatabad. The Bijapuris had sent considerable troops to the succour of Ahmadnagar and they now invaded Daulatabad. Khan Dauran who was kept in charge of the fort sallied out and attached the besiegers. When Khan Khanan the Moghal general, heard of these proceedings, he marched towards Daulatabad. The Bijapuris, finding that they could accomplish nothing, abandoned the siege as soon as they heard of the approach of Khan Khanan and then retreated by way of Nasik and Trimbak. The struggle continued even after Shahaji raised a boy of the Nizam's family to the throne in 1633 and gave him the title of Nizam-ul-mulk. The emperor Shah Jahan himself had, descended into the Deccan and sent forces under the command of Khan Dauran, Khan zaman and Shayista Khan to effect the conquest of Ahmadnagar territory and punish Shahaji. The force under Shayista Khan consisted of about 8000 horse and was sent against the forts of Junir, Sangamnir, Nasik and Trimbak. On the 8th of Ramzan the Commanders were sent on their respective missions. On the 11th a letter arrived from Shayista Khan, reporting that Salib Beg, the Nizam-ul-mulki Commander of the fort of Khardarak, had confined Shahaji men who were in the fort and had surrendered it and its dependencies to the imperial commanders. In the same year the fort of Chandor was conquered  by the Moghals. Similarly the hill forts of Anjrai Kanjna, Manyan, Rola, Jola, Ahunost, Kol, Busra, Achalgad and others also surrendered to them. The fort of Dharab capitulated to Allahvardi Khah. The forts of Anki and Tanki, Alka and Palka were also captured, by Khan Khanan. Shahaji, however, continued to stoutly oppose the Moghals. Khan Zaman was sent against him. Shahaji entered the Konkan territory and proceeded to the fort of Mahuli. From thence, he went to the fort of Muranjan situated between hills and jungles. Khan Zaman followed. On discovering the approach of his pursuers, Shahaji hastily sent off a portion of his baggage and abandoned the, rest. The pursuers having come up, put many of the rebels to the sword. Being still pursued, Shahaji went again to Mahuli, hoping to get away by Trimbak and Tringalvadi but fearing lest he should encounter the royal forces, he halted at Mahuli and resolved to stand the siege. Khan Zaman, however pressed the siege and Shahaji ultimately agreed to submit and enter the service of the Bijapuris. He surrendered the young Nizam and handed over Junnar and other forts to the imperial generals.  Accordingly  the forts of  Junnar, Trimbak, Tringalvadi, Harish, Judhan, Jund and Harsira were delivered over to Khan Zaman. The subjugation of Ahmadnagar Kingdom was thus completed.

On the final overthrow of the Nizamshahi dynasty in 1637, the Moghals became supreme in north Deccan, and the provinces of Khandesh and Daulatabad were united under prince Aurangzeb who fixed his capitol at Khidki, later known as Aurangabad about ten miles south-east of Daulatabad [The Deccan was divided into four Subhas, viz., Daulatabad, Telangana, Khandesh and Berar, Nasik formed part of the Subha of Daulatabad.]. The Moghals had by now held sway over Gujarat and Khandesh. They wanted to capture Baglana, which was held by Bairam Shah, the successor of Pratap Shah. An indepen­dent prince and master of mountain fastnesses like Salher and Mulher could not be left in possession of the main route between the two provinces of the empire, viz., Khandesh and Aurangabad. Aurangzeb therefore sent an army of 7,000 men under Maloji [Sarkar: Aurangzib, VoIs. I &II, p. 45.] a Deccani officer in the imperial service, to attack Salher on 16th January 1638. The fort was scaled and captured by Sayyid Abdul Wahab Khandeshi. A month later Bairam Shah offered submission which was accepted and his territory was annexed. He was made commander of 3000 horse, and received a grant of Sultanpur. Bairam's son-in-law Somdev was allowed to rule over Ramnagar in, Dharampur on paying a tribute of Rs. 1,00,000. [Orme's Historical Fragments, 170. MuIher was called Aurangabad, and Salher, SuItangad, Scott's Deccan, II, 27.

Bhimsen Saxena, the author of Torikhe Dilkusha, has the following to say about the subjugation of Baglana. Prince Aurangzeb detailed Shubha Karna Bundela from amongst the imperial officers to execute the task of the conquest of Baglana. He was instructed to report in the Deccan immediately and an amount was sent towards meeting the expenses for the same. On his arrival he was appointed to the command of 1000 horse. He was deputed on the campaign along with Sayyad Abdul Vahab Junagadi Gujarati. Abdul Vahab was for a long time in the Subha of Khandesh. His father was in the employ of Emperor Akbar and had brought about the capitulation of the fort of Trimbak. In 1638 the Moghals invaded Baglana. Bahirji, the Raja of Baglana, handed over to Aurangzeb Mulher, re-named Aurangagad, Salher re-named SuItangad and other thirty-three forts in addition to his own headquarters (15th February 1639). He also became a convert to Islam and was given the title of Daulatmand Khan. It was decreed that Baglana should be called Subha Baglana in future.  (Moghal ani Marathe, pp. 2-3).].

Badshahnama gives the following details about Baglana and its conquest by the Moghal: -" The territory of Baglana contains nine forts, thirty-four parganas and one thousand and one villages. It has been a separate jurisdiction for one thousand four hundred years and its present ruler's name is Bharji. It is famous for its temperate climate, its numerous streams and the abundance of its trees and fruits. In length it is a hundred, kos and, in breadth eighty. On the east is Chandor, a dependency of Daulatabad; on the west the fort of Surat and the sea; on the north Sultanpur and Nandurbar, and on the south Nasik and Trimbak [Obviously, these boundaries do not accord with those of present Baglana.]. The strongest of its forts are Salhir and Mulhir. Salhir is placed upon a hill. Mulhir also stands upon a hill. When Prince Aurangzeb was sent to the government of the Dakhin he was directed to subjugate this country. On the eighth Shaban, 1047 H. (Dec. 1637) he sent an army against it which advanced and laid siege to Mulhir. The trenches were opened and the garrison was pressed so hard that on the 10th Shawwal, Bharji sent out his mother and his vakil with the keys of his eight forts, offering to enroll himself among the servants of the Imperial throne, on condition of receiving the pargana of Sultanpur. When this proposal reached the emperor, he granted Bharji a mansab of three thousand and 2500 horse and Sultanpur was conferred upon him ………”

According to Kambu's Amal-i-Salih the conquest of Baglana at the insistence of Shah Jahan seems to have been due to the refusal of Bharji to help Prince Shah Jahan when the latter was contesting the throne against his brothers.

Soon after the conquest, a rebellious member of the Povar or Dalvi [A Baglana name for a Kamavisdar. M. H. E. Goldsmith's Report on the Peint State (1839) Bom. Gov. Sel. XXVI (New Series), 108.] family of Peint then Part of Baglana, was sent to Delhi by order of Aurangzeb and sentenced to death. While awaiting execution the prisoner cured the emperor's daughter of asthma, and on embracing Islam received the grant of Peint [Bom. Gov. Sel. XXVI (New Series), 115. The grant was called Shahanak, literally a dish or means of subsistence.].

According to the traveller Tavernier (1640-1666), Baglana, under which he includes the north Konkan except the Portuguese territory on the coast, was enriched by the passage of the great stream of traffic between Surat and Golkonda. His description of West Khandesh belongs to the present Nasik district. The country was full of banyan, mango, moha, cassia, khajuri or wild date, and other trees. There, were vast numbers of antelopes, hares and partridges, and towards the mountains were wild cows. Sugarcane was grown in many places, and there were mills, and furnaces for making sugar [Bhimsen Saxena, the author of Torikhe Dilkusha, gives quite a few details about Baglana. He compares the conditions, in Poona region with those prevailing in Khandesh, Berar and Baglana and says that gram and wheat were sold at 2 Shahjahani maunds per rupee in Poona and  jovar and bajra were still cheaper. These commodities were sold at half these prices in Khandesh, Berar and Baglana. The soldiers and the common subjects led a happy and a contented life. A soldier used to receive 15 rupees as his salary and was able to maintain his Turki horse and his personal weapons and to support his family adequately in this salary. Even expenditure on marriage ceremonies and other ceremonial and ritual occasions as also on a decent home with a garden was met from this salary.

About his own family Bhimsen Saxena says that his father was employed in the artillery division of the Moghal army. He was extremely fond of travel and visiting places of historical importance. Bhimsen says that at about this time (1660) his father went on a pilgrimage to Nasik Trimbakeshwar. Many in the artillery department accompanied him on this pilgrimage. The commandant of the fort of Trimbak was one Fidabeg. He made all arrangements for the pilgrims in visiting, the places of religious importance.  Bhimsen also accompanied his father. On their return from Nasik Trimbakeshvar, the party visited the Ellora Caves. (Moghal ani Marathe, p.8, p. 9)]. The ways, were safely guarded [Tavernier in Harris, II, 359, 384 and 385. Tavernier’s account seems, as in other passages, to be token from Thevenot (1666). The following details form Thevenot's narrative show  the state of the north Deccan before Shivaji had begun to start his expeditions in the country. Thevenot in travelling from Surat to Golkonda (26th February-11th March 1666) hired two carriages (chariots) one for himself, the other forhis kit and his servant. The monthly hire for each carriage was about seventeen crowns (Rs. 34). A crown is apparently, the same as a dollar which (Kerr's Voyages, VIII, 485) was worth Rs. 2. He also engaged two peons paying each two crowns (Rs. 4) a month, and two sols six dinars (about 1 ¼ annas) a day for food. (In Moghal districts Re. 1=30 sols; Thev. Voy. V, 292). His men were Rajputs whom he preferred to Musalmans as they were less proud. Each carried a sword, a dagger, a bow, and a musket or spear, and they acted as sentinels at night, collected provisions, and did anything except cooking.

Thevenot was one of a caravan of forty-six of whom eight were French, one a M. Bazon a rich merchant who had ten wagons and fourteen peons. Before leaving Surat they laid in a store of provisions, including biscuits, as the Hindus on the way disliked selling chickens and the bread was no better than half-cooked cakes. The journey from Surat to Aurangabad, a distance of 225 miles, was made in fourteen days, that is, a daily average distance of sixteen miles. The stages were Bardoli 15 miles, Valod 12 miles, Viara l0½, Charka 7½, Navapur 18, Pimpalner 18, Taharabad 12, Satana 13½, Umrana 16½, Ankai-Tankai 18, Devcham 18, Lasura 18, Khanapur 18, Aurangabad 24. The scenery was very varied. In parts it was wooded and hilly but most of the land was under cultivation; the plains were covered with rice, a scented rice that grew near Navapur being the best in India. There was a great deal of cotton and sugarcane in many places, each plantation having its furnace and mill. They passed through four cities and thirty-four or thirty-five country towns and large villages. There were relays of Jogis or road guardsmen who asked money from travelers. There were, numerous temples, reservoirs, and dirty rest­ of houses. All along the route they kept meeting carriages full of Hindu pilgrims, and caravans of oxen and camels, one of which from Agra had more than a thousand oxen laden with cotton cloth. Thevenot's  Voyages, V. 220.].

In the years of quiet that followed Aurangzeb's conquest, the revenue system of the region was thoroughly overhauled and the land was brought under Todar Mal's revenue settlement through the efforts of an able officer Murshid Quli Khan. The rates that were fixed remained the nominal standard, till after the establishment of  British power.

In 1656-57 Chhatrapati Shivaji first came into conflict with the Moghals. He raided Ahmadnagar and Junnar. Soon after Aurangzeb ascended the throne. He appointed Shayista Khan as the Viceroy of the Deccan (1658). Shayista Khan marched into Shivaji's territory, captured Chakan (1660) and Poona. In April 1663 Shivaji made a daring entry into Shayista Khan's camp, and in the attack Shayista Khan was wounded. He was transferred to the province of Bengal. In 1664 Shivaji marched against Surat through Javhar and Ramnagar. The city of Surat was sacked and Shivaji returned with a huge booty.

Following the treaty of Purandar (1665) Shivaji quietly prepared for a struggle with the Moghals. In 1670 he attached the Moghals, and recovered almost all the forts surrendered by him under the treaty of Purandar. He carried the struggle into the Moghal territory of Baglana and captured Ramsej, Ahivant, Patta, Hanumantgad and a number of other forts. In 1670 (October) Shivaji once again sacked Surat. While returning from that city laden with booty, Shivaji was opposed by the Moghals near Vani Dindori on 17th October 1670. The battle of Vani Dindori has been described by Bhimsen Saxena, the author of Torikhe Dilkusha, who was an eye-witness of it. The account given by him is as under: On 3rd October 1670 Shivaji sacked Surat. Muazzam ordered Daud Khan to immediately proceed against Shivaji. He was accompanied by Bhimsen and  Mir Abdulmabud. The Moghal army had camped at Vaijapur when the news was brought that Shivaji was returning after the plunder of Surat. Bhimsen informed Daud Khan of this. Daud Khan with his troops immediately moved against Shivaji. In the meanwhile Bhimsen was informed by his messengers that Shivaji had completely sacked the market of Mulher (Aurangagad) and could be intercepted. Neknam Khan also informed likewise. Daud Khan hastened towards the Chandur Ghat from where a road led to the country of Baglana. The messengers of Bhimsen now informed him that Shivaji came to know of the approach of the Moghal army and has therefore marched after leaving the fort of Salher. He intends to crossover the Kanchan-Manchan ghat (about ten miles to the west of Chandur). Neknam Khan the commandant of the fort, of Mulher, also communicated likewise to Daud Khan. Daud Khan upon this marched towards Chandur with a view to intercept Shivaji. He reached Chandur in the evening. Bakikhan, the Faujdar of Chandur had gone to the fort due to the invasion of the Marathas. He came down from the fort and met Daud Khan. Awaiting for further news, Daud Khan halted at that place to rest. At midnight Bhimsen was informed by his messengers that Shivaji had crossed the Kanchan-Manchan ghat and was hastening towards Nasik Gulshanabad. That his contingent was already on the ghats and was waiting for the troops that were following it. By the time this news was received, the night was considerably advanced. Even then without waiting for a moment Daud Khan hastened on the march. He left behind the non-combatants. The night was still and completely dark with the result that Daud Khan's soldiers missed direction. Daud Khan and Mir Abdulmabud lost touch with each other and were forced to halt till day-break. The non-combatants in the meanwhile joined.

Galib Khan, Naraji and Basvantrav were in the rear. I (Bhimsen Saxena) accompanied them. Ikhlas Khan Miyana, the grandson of Bahlol Khan and the son of Abdul Karim, was on the front. He was a commander of five thousand. In the early hours of the morning he reached the top of the ghat. He found the Maratha army in a state of preparedness. Ikhlas Khan also ordered his troops to get battle-ready. He had a few camels loaded with arms and ammunition. The soldiers of Ikhlas Khan started puttillg on the armour. Ikhlas Khan was young and impulsive. Without giving thought to the consequences of his action he attached the enemy with only a few soldiers under his command. The Marathas had a strength of over 15000. Ikhlas Khan started fighting with the Marathas. In the thick of the battle Ikhlas Khan fell on the battle field severely wounded.

By this time Daud Khan arrived at the scene of the battle He realised the precipitate action of Ikhlas Khan and sent the following officers to his succour to the battle front: (1) Rai Makrand Khatri, (2) Shaikh Safi, the brother of Daud Khan, (3) Bhan, the family priest of the Raja of Chanderi and (4) Sangram Khan Ghori. He himself followed these officers. On the way on an elevated ground was a desolate village. A stream flowed by its side. Daud Khan detailed Baqir Khan and Ibrahim Panni with elephants, banner, drums, etc. He informed them that the non-combatants and the rear of the army are on their way and on their arrival they should be instructed to halt at the place.

I (Bhimsen Saxena) reached by the side of Baqar Khan. Sangram Khan Ghori and other nobles were already dispatched ahead. A close battle was fought between them and the Marathas. Sangram Khan Ghori, his sons and other relations were wounded. Many of the Moghal troops  were killed. Among them were imperial troops, and also soldiers in the pay of noblemen. Rai Makrand and Bhan Purohit had a good train of artillery under their command and they forced the Marathas to retreat. By that time Daud Khan reached the place. Ikhlas Khan had fallen wounded. He was token care of by Daud Khan who -himself started fighting with the enemy. The Marathas fought in their own way running round the Moghal force and attacking them. A few of them were killed by the Moghal artillery and the rest retired.      

The whole route was full of ascents and descents. Mir Abdul Mabud and the other Moghal troops were forced apart. Marathas attached them and in the resulting encounter Mir Abdul Mabud, one of his sons and many of his troops were wounded. One of his sons and a few of his troopers were killed. He was deprived of his horses and arms by the Marathas. Bhimsen says that he was informed of this by a servant of Abdul Mabud and conveyed it to Baqi Khan. Baqi Khan was holding position on an elevated ground. He saw the flag of Abdul Mabud and the shears of Maratha soldiers. By that time the Marathas had already left the field of battle. Baqi Khan sent his own palanquin, with a few others and also some of his men. Bhimsen accompanied them. When they reached the spot they found Abdul Mabud in an unconscious state. The dead and the wounded were then removed from the scene of battle.

At that time Daud Khan commanded not more than a thousand to two thousand troops. By evening the Marathas again launched an attack. The MoghaI officers were seasoned and experienced and fought desperately. Daud Khan dispatched messengers calling Baqi Khan and  other officers. The Marathas now had no alternative but to resort to flight.

The MoghaIs with the flush of victory blew trumpets. Arrange­ments were then made for the burial of the dead and care of the wounded. Daud Khan carried IkhIas Khan and Mir Abdul Mabud to his own tent and mended their wounds. Shaikh Muinuddin, the son of Ihatisham Khan later carried  Abdul Mabud to his own tent and started nursing him. Only a few in the camp were provided with tents, the rest being under the open skies. Bhimsen was asked by Daud Khan to inspect the trenches  which he did. Bhimsen was later called by Abdul Mabud who handed over to Bhimsen the seal of his office. This battle was fought near Vani Dindori on 17th October 1670. It may be mentioned here that when news was received of the, Maratha descent into Konkan, the Moghal troops remained stationed at Nasik for over a month. As Shivaji was returning from Karanja he was joined by a column under Moropant. The united division besieged the fort  of Salher and captured it on 5th January 1671 after a short but desperate defence by Fathulla Khan, its Moghal  commander. The details of the capture of Salher fort by the Marathas are graphically given by Bhimsen Saxena. They are as under: After the battle of Vani Dindori, Daud Khan was camping near the fort of Ankai-Tankai. When his son Hamid Khan informed him of the Maratha designs on Burhanpur, he proceeded towards that place. In the meanwhile the Marathas moved towards Baglana and plundered the market of Mulher-Aurangagad. Then they besieged the fort of Salher. Daud Khan speedily reached Mulher where  he halted. It was decided to deposit the bag and baggage at Mulher and proceed the succour of Salher in the morning as a few detachments were on their way the Mulher. Daud Khan marched early in the morning while Bhimsen with a few cavalry-men straggled behind. Bhimsen reached a burnt-out village between Salher and Mulher near about which was a small hillock. Bhimsen was in a fix but one of the soldiers saw him and said that he knew the fellow and called Bhimsen by name. Bhimsen got extremely terrified. He could not place the caller. Then the caller gave out his name as Nur Khan. He approached Bhimsen and consoled him and took him safely to the Moghal camp. Bhimsen states that while at Aurangabad, Nur Khan had received considerable help from Bhimsen’s father when he was in extreme difficulty. While DaudKhan was on his way to Sather he received the news that the Marathas had captured the fort of Salher (5th January 1671). He therefore returned to the Moghal base camp at Mulher which Bhimsen says “is situated on the banks of a stream. It has an excellent climate. There is a garden with a fine grape vine." Daud Khan was very well received by Neknam Khan, the commandant of the fort of Mulher. Daud Khan then proceeded to Chandur and halted at Kanchan-­Manchan. Whenever he received news of Maratha aggression he used to rush up to the spot. In Baglana near Kelahi is the strong-hold of Hatgad. News was received that the Marathas had assembled in large numbers there. Daud Khan, by forced marches, reached the place and attached the Marathas. He was accompanied by Bhimsen, Shaikh Muinuddin and  Ramsingh, a mansabdar of four hundred, recently appointed in the Deccan. In the meanwhile Mababat Khan was appointed to the Deccan campaign. He met Daud Khan at Chandur in the last week of January 1671. Daud Khan resented having to serve under Mababat Khan. Differences developed between the two. Mababat Khan decided to recapture the fort of Ahivant  which Shivaji wrested from 'the Moghals. He was accompanied by the following nobles: Raja Raising Sisodia, Kuvar Kishansing, Sujansing, Shubhakarna Bundela, Anupsing Rathod, Agharkhan, Turuk Tajkhan and others. The MoghaIs firmly entrenched themselves in front of the gates of the fort. However, the siege continued for a month with intermittent firing from both the sides. Subsequently Mababat Khan assaulted the fort gates from his sides with great force when the fort garrison sent messages to Daud Khan expressing their willingness to surrender the fort. Daud Khan agreed and took over the charge of the fort. This further embittered the relation between Mababat Khan and Daud Khan. Ultimately Mababat Khan stationed some garrison and stores (April 1671) in the fort and  marched towards Ahmadnagar.

The loss of Salher and consequent rout of the Moghals had already attracted Aurangzeb's attention. In November 1670 he deputed the veteran Mababat Khan to the supreme command of the Deccan. Another competent general Bahadur Khan was ordered from Gujarat as an additional support. Daud Khan and Dilir Khan were already there with Prince Muazzam at Aurangabad in overall command of Deccan affairs. Matters however did not improve much, as the Moghal officers were prone to luxury and had mutual jealousies which prevented co-ordination and concerted action. There was a rumour that the Prince, aware of the insecure politics at Delhi, was planning for his own future security.

For some time, Shivaji and the Moghals were busy in ravaging each other's territory, Bahadur Khan and Dilir Khan carrying an attack on Poona and Supa, and Shivaji playing havoc in Khandesh upon the army of Ikhlas Khan. The result was that Bahadur Khan was forced to divest his strength to the north. Thereafter an obstinate and sanguinary battle took place before Salher in the first week of February 1672, in which the Moghals were completely routed. Ikhlas Khan and some thirty principal Moghal officers were slain. On the Maratha side also, the losses were great. One Surya Rao Kakade, Shivaji's companion in arms since childhood, lost his life. Marathas acquired by way of plunder six thousand horses, as many camels one hundred and twenty-five elephants, all the camp baggage of the Moghals with treasure and jewellery. The phenomenal victory was mainly due to the strategy and valour of Shivaji's Peshva, Moropant. The fight at Salher was an open action by Shivaji's men opposing the best equipped and most ably led Moghal armies, by no means partaking of the nature of guerilla warfare. This disaster to the Moghals led to the disgrace of Mababat Khan who was transferred from the Deccan and died on the way thither. A large number of the Moghal soldiers, wounded and captives fell into Shivaji's hands. The battle of Salher proved to be one of the decisive moments in Shivaji's career. The defiant and challenging spirit of the Marathas was already seen everywhere as may be illustrated by the incident that the fort of Kanhergad near Chandvad, was desperately defended by Ramaji Pangera with an army of only 600, against the surging attacks of the Moghals (April 1671). It was in September 1671, that Aurangzeb appointed Bahadur Khan Kokaltash as commander-in-chief­ in place of Mababat Khan. Under orders from the emperor, he besieged the fort of Salher and entrusted the operations to Ikhlas Khan Miyana, Amarsing Chandravat and other officers. He himself proceeded to Supa. Bhimsen says that in the meanwhile news was received of the Maratha onslaught on the Moghals near Salher, and Ikhlas Khan Miyana and Muhakamsing wounded and imprisoned by the Marathas. In the keenly-fought battle, Amarsing, the father of Muhakamsing; and his party died fighting and the entire bag and baggage of the Moghals fell into the hands of the Marathas. On receipt of the news Bahadur Khan hastened towards Salher but by the time he could reach Baglana, the Marathas had already descended into the Konkan with all the captured Moghal equipment [Bhimsen Saxena informs about the appointment of the following persons to different parts: Namdar Khan was appointed to the duty of protecting Baglana. Jadhavrav Dakhani and Siddi Balal Khan were appointed as Thanedars at Nasik Gulshanabad and Vani Dindori with strict orders to contain the Marathas in the territories near-about. The Marathas spread in the territory and hence these two officers were severely reprimanded by Bahadur Khan. Unable to tolerate these insults, both of them deserted to Shivaji. The Thanedari of Nasik Gulshanabad was subsequently held. By Indradaman Bundella. Devisingh Bundella was appointed to the command of the fort of Mulher or Aurangagad.].

At this time Ptataprav Gujar exacted the first quarter share, or chauth, from the villages north of Nasik. And soon after this Moro­pant took the forts of Aundha and Patta. They were re-token by the Moghals in the same year. A force sent by Shivaji was attached by the Moghals, but after some severe fighting the Moghals were defeated, and  Aundha and Patta were again recovered by the Marathas [Scott's Deccan. II, 28. Aundha and Patta are close together in the extreme north of the Akola sub-division of  Ahmadnagar.].

Five year later (1679) Shivaji crossed the Godavari and plundered Jalna. On his return he was attached by the Moghals. He succeeded in driving back his first assailants, but before he had gone far, he found his way blocked by the Moghal troops advancing under Kesari Singh and Sardar Khan. When these came to a halt six miles from Shivaji, Kesari Singh sent a secret message to him, as brother Hindu, to run away before the Moghals could encircle him, Shivaji now quickly entrusted himself to his chief spy Bahirji under whose skilful guidance, the Maratha army escaped by an obscure path after three days and nights of anxious and ceaseless marching. But they had to sacrifice much of their booty, besides losing 4,000 horsemen killed and Hambirrav wounded. From this expedition Shivaji returned to Pattagad in safety (about 22^nd November 1679) [Sarkar’s Shivaji, p.328. Patta is a fort 20 miles south of Nasik and the same distance east of Thal Ghat.].

Shivaji's death (1680) was followed by a revival of the Moghal power. It was in 1681 that Muhammad  Akbar, the son of Aurangzeb rebelled against his father and sought refuge with Sambhaji in the Deccan. He reached Baglana. Devising Bundella was the Faujdar of Baglana and the commandant of the fort of Mulher. He sent his own troops to oppose and detain Akbar but before they could reach the destined place, Akbar had already crossed over the frontiers of Baglana.  A few of his Rajput troops had stayed behind. They were won over by the commandant of Devising's contingent Bhimsen Saxena, the author of Torikhe Dilkusha, says that Bahadur Khan received a report from the Faujdar of Baglana that Akbar had fled, towards Nasik from Baglana. Bahadur Khan therefore marched towards Nasik. Akbar had moved towards Trimbakeshvar and from thence had descended in the Konkan. The emperor Aurangzeb reached Aurangabad in 1682. It was on 18th August 1682 that Khanjahan Bahadur Jafar Jung Kokaltash (Bahadur Khan) went to pay his respects to the emperor from Nasik Gulshanabad. This was followed by the attack against Ramsej near Nasik for which Shahabuddin and Khanjahan Bahadur Kokaltash were successively deputed, but they failed to capture it due to the heroism and watchfulness of the Maratha commandant [Khanjahan Bahadur was given leave to proceed towards Nasik Gulshanabad on 30th August 1682.].  On 30th October 1683 Shahajada Muhammad Azam and Shahajada Bedar Bakhta were ordered to proceed towards Gul­shanabad but even they could not succeed. The Moghals therefore abandoned the effort and left the place [Five years later in 1687 as the, killedar was changed the Moghals were successful in taking possession of Ramsej, by adopting the same measures of offering promises and presents as they had done earlier at Salher (P. Setu Madhav Rao in Marathyanche swatantrya yuddha--A translation of Khafi Khan's Munrkhabullubab, p. 11).]. Khafi Khan has given a graphic account of the siege of Ramsej by the Moghals and their failure to capture the fort. He says that Shahabuddin Khan was appointed to the task of  subjugating the fort of Ramsej. He conducted the siege operations, laying of mines, construction of entrenchments and building of raised platforms for close artillery fire.  However, the commandant of the fort of Ramsej was an experienced and a veteran Maratha officer and hence all the Moghal preparations were set to naught by his efforts and alertness. The fort garrison were set to naught by his efforts and alertness. The fort garrison were not equipped with iron cast guns and hence they made improvised wooden guns firing them with hide rather than the musket ball.

The emperor then recalled Shahabuddin Khan and dispatched Khan­jahan Bahadur Kokaltash to subjugate the fort. He put in all his efforts to capture the fort but to no avail. When the siege was thus going on Khanjahan Bahadur opined that "we should make pretence of attacking the fort on one side and carry the equipment there so that the enemy would misconstrue and toke precautionary measures. At the same time we should select a suitable position on the other side of the fort and a contingent of hundred to two hundred troops should scale the fort noiselessly with the help of rope ladders." The commandant of the fort however got the news of this stratagem. He also decided to fall for the ruse by offering strong resistance to the fake Moghal assault but at the same time wait in ambush with a well-armed contingent at the place from where Khanjahan proposed to escalade the fort. The commandant carried out his plan accordingly.

At the appointed time only two Moghal troopers ascended the fort wall followed by a few others. But the Marathas so heavily attached the intruders that they were forcibly thrown down taking along with them the others who were making the ascent. The Moghal efforts to capture the fort thus failed miserably. Ultimately, under orders from the emperor Khan Jahan Bahadur raised the siege and marched away, the fort garrison witnessing the event from the fort walls with loud cries of joy and victory. Now the emperor appointed another of his officer Kasim Khan Kirmani to besiege and capture the fort. Kasim Khan struggled valiantly to subjugate the fort but all his efforts met with a miserable failure. The emperor thereon decided to suspend the siege operations and recalled Kasim Khan accordingly.

Khafi Khan concludes that the wretched Sambhaji honoured the commandant of the fort by sending him a dress, a bejewelled bracelet and cash present. He also transferred him, due to his proved efficiency over the other commandant, to another important fort and handed over the charge of Ramsej to another officer. Khafi Khan says that Neknam Khan, the commandant of the fort of Mulher, won over this new officer through the intercession of Abdul Karim, a Zamindar in the Ramsej region. The fort ultimately fell to the Moghals in 1687. Bhimsen Saxena gives a similar account about the siege of the fort of Ramsej. He only adds that after the emperor had ordered Bahadur Khan, to raise the siege, in 1683 he moved towards Nasik on receiving the news that the Marathas had spread in the territory. But before he could reach there, the Marathas had left Nasik. Bahadur Khan therefore left his bag and baggage in charge of Mahasing Bahaduria the Faujdar of Nasik and himself proceeded in the pursuit of the Marathas. No sooner were the Moghals gone, than (1685) Hambirrav, the Maratha commander-in-chief, moved from Konkan, plundered Khandesh, and retired, ravaging the country along the base of the Satmalas, towards Nasik. It may be mentioned here that, after the fall of Bijapur and Golconda the emperor dispatched his commandants in Maratha territory to subjugate the forts. Shahajada Muhammad Azam along with veteran and experienced Moghal  officers was dispatched towards Bahadurgad and Gulshanabad Nasik. In 1686 the Moghals besieged the fort of Mulher. In this connection Khafi Khan has given the following details: He says that it was extremely difficult to besiege the fort of Salher. It was not like the other forts but was surrounded on all the sides by deep ravines. The sea was also close by. Even with a lakh of troops it would have been difficult to besiege the sky-high fort of Salher from all the sides. Neknam Khan who was the Faujdar of Baglana and commandant of the fort of Mulher had kept the territory in a good state of administration. The distance between Salher and Mulher was hardly 6 kos. The appointment of Shahajada Azam to the campaign was not as yet announced.  Neknam  Khan won over the Maratha commandant of the fort by making him lucrative promises, sending him gifts and offering him honour and esteem. He sent a considerable sum and other presents to the commandant. He also wrote to the emperor requesting that orders appointing the commandant to the Mansab of 4000 be dispatched immediately. In the meanwhile Shahajada Azam arrived at the fort of Salher. But Neknam Khan had so arranged the matters that the Shahajada had no occasion to lay siege to the fort. The fort surrendered to the Moghals without a shot being fired. The Shahajada did not approve of the part played by Neknam Khan and lodged a complaint against him with the emperor. The emperor, however, was highly satisfied at the capitulation of the fort without recourse to arms and hence regarded the complaint of the Shahajada in the nature of an encomium for Neknam Khan. When these events were taking place Sambhaji was suddenly captured at Sangameshvar and put to death in the emperor's camp at Koregaon. After the cruel death of Sambhaji the theatre of war was further extended towards the South. For twenty years the struggle went on and forts were taken and re-token and from time to time the Marathas spread over the whole territory everywhere dis­locating the Moghal rule.

In about 1688 Matbar Khan, a vigorous Moghal Officer, was appointed to the charge of the districts of Talkonkan and Sangamner. Nasik-Gulshanabad [The whole of present Nasik district did not form part of the Sangamner district.  Galna  which then accounted for almost half of the present northern portion of Nasik district was included in the Khandesh division.] formed part of the latter district. Matbar Khan decided to settle the territory under his charge and liquidate the Maratha possessions therein. In his offensive against the Marathas he captured a number of forts.  A detailed account of their capture is given in "Karnama" by Jethmal. Jethmal was Matbar Khan's chief writer-Munshi-and his "Karnama" contains letters addressed by Matbar Khan to emperor Aurangzeb and to other Moghal officers such as Asad Khan, Zulfikar Khan, Gaziuddin Firoz Jung, Fateh Jung Khan and others. Some of them are reproduced below [The accounts reproduced here are borrowed from the translation of the Mss. by Shri P. Setu Madhava Rao (unpublished).] :-

The petition which Matbar Khan submitted to the emperor on the capture of the fort of Patta (abridged translation):

Matbar Khan submits as follows:

After obeisance I had since a few months employed 1,000 infantry of Kolis, Bhils and Mavlas. I had also paid amounts to the land­holders of the region adjacent to the fort of Patta. I had held out hopes to them for the grant of Mansabs and other considerations from your majesty.

Harji Jakhade had fallen out with Tartib Khan. He had separated himself from the Khan and was residing in the village of Sona in the paragana of Sinnar. He had been given a considerable amount, a horse and a robe of honour. The infantry was sent with him to capture the fort of Patta. The fort was a strong-hold of the infidels. He (Harji) approached the fort and was watching for an opportunity to capture the fort. Owing to the interference from Tartib Khan, the capture of the fort could not be achieved. At this time I was appointed as Thanedar of Gulshanabad (Nasik) by your majesty. I established contact with Harji and showed him all the necessary considerations. On the 17th of Rabi-ul-awal of the 31st year of your majesty's reign (11th January 1688) the troops reached the fort and started their work. On the 23rd of the above month (17th January 1688) at midnight the troops scaled the fort walls by means of ropes and captured the fort. May this victory be auspicious to your majesty. The details of the fight, the number of the dead on both the sides and the number of prisoners captured and other details will be sub­mitted to your majesty separately. In this campaign I incurred a debt of Rs. 45,000. I have spent the amount. I hope to capture the other forts in a short period.

Muhammad Afzal was at Sangamner. I called him to my side. He took part in the campaign. I am sending the keys of the fort along with him. I have appointed Keshavadas Bundela to hold charge of the fort until a Governor of the fort is appointed by your majesty. Govindrav, the Thanedar of Bhagur, is accompanying Keshavadas. A custodian for the fort with a garrison may kindly be posted soon so that the security of the fort could be ensured. Govindrav may be appointed as the Faujdar of the area at the foot of the fort. Govindrav's nephew (brother's son) Raja Ram may replace Govindrav as the Thanedar of Bhagur. Keshavadas may be shown additional consideration. He is an experienced soldier. The fort of Patta is a great one. It is situated amidst the forts held by the enemy. To protect this fort at least 2,000 gunners will be required. If they are appointed it will be all to the good. Or if his majesty so orders I will recruit 2,000 infantry so that I will be satisfied for the security of the fort. A two months' advance for the gunners may be advanced from the Government treasury at Aurangabad. I have submitted what was right and proper.

The emperor's firma: Matbar Khan may be expectant of the royal grace. You have submitted a petition as follows: You have gathered the Zamindars in the environs of the fort of Patta. You have advanced a considerable amount to them. You have sent troops to accompany Harji for the capture of the fort. On the 23rd of Rabi-ul-awal the fort was captured. Your petition to this effect and the keys of the fort which you sent with Muhammad Afzal were placed before his majesty. Your services have been noted. We bestow robes of honour, an elephant, a cash award of Rs. 20,000 and an increase of 500 in your mansab. The sanction of your request will be communicated to you through the letter of Bakshi-ul-Mulk, Bahramand Khan. Muhammad Afzal has been granted an increase in his mansab. You should feel thankful for the favour shown and exert yourself more and more in service. You should put all your efforts in the capture of the fort of Trimbak. Know that your efforts will bring their reward.

Petition informing at the capture of the fort of Karang and other forts: "After obeisance Matbar Khan submits as follows: Since I was appointed as Thanedar of Gulshanabad (Nasik) and captured the fort of Patta I have been striving to capture the forts of Karang (Kulang, 9 miles from Igatpuri), Babhar, Tabaka and Rohatgad. The fort of Karang is unrivalled in its situation and strength. The infidels had constructed high buildings in the fort. I have employed a numerous force of Kolis, Bhils and Mavlas. I sent them to take up positions in ravines and valleys, and seize the opportunity to capture the fort. The fort is very strong. Like the fort of Daulatabad it has been veritably excavated from the rock to a height of four to five hundred yards. It appeared difficult to lay siege to the fort and capture it. I therefore made inquiries about the homes of the garrison. I found out that women and children of the garrison stayed at the foot of the fort of Harbal, also known as Muranjan, in the Sarkar (district) of Talkonkan. I sent an infantry of 1,000 persons to capture the women and children. The infantry made a night attack on the homes of the garrison. In the attack a considerable number of those people were killed or wounded. A number of women and children were captured and brought to Gulshanabad (Nasik).  The forces which I had posted in the valleys and ravines of the fort seized this opportunity to scale the walls of some of the forts. They killed a number of soldiers from the garrison and threw many from the forts into the valleys below. When the garrison saw that their women and children had been captured they approached me and offered to surrender the forts. I showed them all considerations. I took possession of these above­mentioned forts. I have sent the keys of these forts to your majesty. They will be placed before you. May this victory  be  auspicious. I have now laid siege to the forts of Aundh, Kavani, Harish (Harishgad, 4 miles from Trimbak), Tringalvadi, Madangad and Mordant. If God wills, these forts will be captured soon. After the capture of these forts I will make efforts to capture the fort of Trimbak. I hope my requests as enumerated in the petition will be granted. The custodians of the fort may kindly be honoured by the grant of mansabs and rewards so that they will have confidence in my assurances. Arrange­ments may be made to dispatch early, garrison, personnel and stores of equipment so that there will be no anxiety for the security of the fort.

Petition to the emperor: After obeisance Matbar Khan humbly submits as follows: Previous to this I had reported about the siege of Trimbak. I had appointed 2,000 infantry in outposts surrounding the fort to keep a watch on the garrison. During the last six months the garrison found itself in great difficulty. The roads leading in and out of the fort were blocked. Not a single piece of grain could reach the fort from the surrounding region. Under these circumstances the garrison felt itself helpless and began to petition for mercy. I had a small contingent posted at Gulshanabad (Nasik). Efforts were made to persuade the garrison through expectations of royal favour. On the 26th of Rabi-ul-awal of the 32nd year of the reign (8th January 1689) I brought out Telangrav and Shyamraj from the fort. By the grace of God and favours of the emperor I captured the fort. I am sending the keys of the fort along with my suggestions in a separate petition. These will be conveyed by Kaka mansabdar who belongs to the tribe of the above-mentioned custodians of the fort.

Kaka mansabdar and his elder brother Raghu exerted themselves greatly in the capture of Patta, and other forts. I had reported on their services in my earlier petitions. During this period these two brothers have exerted themselves greatly in the capture of the fort of Trimbak, Aundh, and Harish (Harishgad). They are now expecting royal favours. I have made promises of rewards and royal favours to the men in the fort. If my requests are granted it will increase my honour and be a source of confidence to the garrison in the fort. In the case of the fort of Salher, Neknam Khan and Asoji received rewards and mansab. Similar favours in this case also may be shown. After paying the reward to the parties concerned the remaining amount will be used to meet the expenditure incurred. This will increase trust in my promises.

Telangrav and Shyamraj have been generals of the enemy's army. They have rendered service. They may be given robes of honour and other considerations. This will increase my honour and prestige among them.

The capture of the fort of Mahuli is in my view. Only one fort has to be captured before I tackle Mahuli. This is the fort of Tiraklu (Tringalvadi ?). I have laid siege to the fort. The garrison of this fort are waiting to see what favours are shown to the garrison of the fort of Trimbak. The moment they are shown similar favours their fort is sure to come in our hands.

I have sent 300 cavalry and 1,000 infantry with Harisingh, son of Shyamsingh, the custodian of the fort of Augadh. He has been taking part in the operations from the beginning of the siege. He has been promised increase in his mansab and other considerations. He has been asked to hold charge of the fort until a new custodian is sent. He is expecting an increase of 50 Zat and 50 Savars in his mansab. A new custodian along with a contingent of troops may be posted with proper security. What is proper has been submitted."

The emperor's firman: Your petition containing the news of the capture of Trimbak, the siege of Tringalvadi and other affairs along with the keys of the above-mentioned forts has been brought to his majesty's notice. Your services have been appreciated. An addition of 500 Zat to your mansab has been sanctioned. Of the total number of Savars 600 will be without conditions. Your mansab will be 2,000 Zat and 1,000 Savar, two horses, a robe of honour; and standard are granted. A cash grant of Rs. 30,000 is given. You should be thankful for these favours. You should first exert to capture the forts of Balaghat (above the hills). After you have finished this work you should reduce the forts below the ghats. Know that these efforts will bear fruits. Qadim Quli Khan has been appointed as the custodian of the fort of Trimbak.

According to the Musalman historians the chief causes of this increase of disorder were, that instead of old powerful governors of provinces, new and greedy men arose and oppressed the people. The chiefs and big landholders refused to pay tribute and the governors could not force them. The husbandmen were oppressed, and giving up tillage became soldiers. The imperial arms were busy with sieges and the Maratha armies roamed all around. It may be mentioned here that William Norris, the ambassador of King William of England, visited India in 1701, as his king's envoy to the Emperor Aurangzeb. At that time Aurangzeb was busy in his campaign of Panhala. Norris landed at Surat and from thence proceeded to Aurangabad passing through Dhulia and Nasik districts touching on his way Navapur, Visarvadi, Khanapur, Dahivel, Galna, Chandanpuri, Sakri and Devgaon. He has given a graphic description of the conditions then prevailing in the Moghal Empire and the struggle that was being waged between the Moghals and the Marathas. In 1703 news was received that the son of Dhanaji Jadhav had besieged Sultanpur and Nandurbar. The Moghal commandant, Zulphikar Khan marched to the rescue of the beleaguered places. On the way he was met by Mamur Khan who informed him that the Marathas had moved towards Baglana. Zulphikar Khan marched in their pursuit. He reached a place called Abula. At that time Matbar Khan was the Faujdar of Nasik Gulshanabad, Kalyan and Bhivandi. One of his mansabdars Ragho had resettled Abula which was destroyed in the Maratha attacks. The Marathas used to store their loot at this place and a good market had come up at Abula for the disposal of the same. At Abula Zulphikar Khan received the news that the son of Dhanaji intended to attack the imperial camp. On receipt of the news, he left Baglana and started in their pursuit again. The fruitless war continued for a couple of years more resulting into heavy Moghal losses. The Marathas gradually succeeded in liberating their territory from the Moghals. Frustrated and disappointed, the emperor died on 20th February 1707.

After the cruel execution of Sambhaji, the Moghal-Maratha conflict continued till the death of Aurangzeb in 1707. The Marathas invariably passed through Nasik and Ahmadnagar districts in their raids on the Subha of Khandesh and many a battle was fought in the Nasik territory. An account of some of them is recounted here from" Karnama" by Jethmal.

Matbar Khan to the emperor: Matbar Khan submits as follows: At this time the fifteen officers of the wretched enemy including Hanmant (Hanmantrav Nimbalkar), Shankara Ram, Kero, Hanwar, Malhar, accompanied by the infidel General gathered an army of ten to twelve thousand horsemen and spread towards the province of Khandesh. They committed oppressions on the people of the region. They devastated prosperous villages and hamlets of the region. They were aiming at entering the jurisdiction of the faujdari territory under me. The region under me is a hot bed of the wretched enemy. They have taken refuge under great distress in hills and forts. When I heard of the enemy trying to enter my jurisdiction, with a view to protect the country and give security and comfort to the people, I sent an army consisting of imperial troops as also the troops under me. They were led by Tilang Rav, Ravatmal Zhala and Kaka Mansabdar. I sent them to the thana of Gulshanabad (Nasik). The posting of the army might have been reported to Your Majesty through the diaries. On the 22nd of Rajab of the 38th year of Your Majesty's reign (26th February 1695) the aforesaid persons Kaka Mansabdar and Muhammad Shafi, the assistant of that thana (Nasik) accompanied by the Thanedars of the surrounding regions had already marched ahead with a view to punish the infidel enemy. On the 24th of Rajab (28th February 1695) Raghoji came out from the Paragana Hatoda. He was accompanied by Muhammad Sadiq and others. Accompanied by a considerable force they effected a junction with the advance forces (of Kaka Mansabdar's). Near Manmad at this time of the 26th of Rajab (2nd March 1695) news was received that the enemy with their captured booty and cattle were crossing the Karnala Ghat. This ghat is at the foot of the forts of Chandor and Ankai-Tankai. My officers joined together and hurrying to the place attacked the enemy. Fighting between the contestants started the same night. Swords and fire-arms were used. Considerable persons from both the sides were wounded. In the end the nephew of Hanmantrav (sister's son) was killed along with many people. The enemy could not withstand the attack of the soldiers of Islam. They fled, releasing the captured cattle. Till afternoon my officers halted at the village of Malangaon. Early morning they pursued the enemy, and beating them pushed them across the river Godavari. They further fought against them on the other side of the river and killed a number of them. The rest of the enemy who were wounded and defeated fled through the Durgi Ghat. The details might have been reported to you through the diaries. A great victory has been won by the imperial servants. A separate and detailed list of men who fought in this battle will be submitted to you.

Last year too these men had fought well in the battle against the infidels in the district of GuIshanabad (Nasik). They were not favoured last year. I hope favours will be shown to them this year so that they will feel satisfied. Some of them may be honoured through the gift of mansabs.

Matbar Khan writes to the Prime Minister, Asad Khan: Last year Dhanaji and other infidel chiefs invested Baijapur. The troops sent by me punished them well. The Marathas harboured the idea of taking revenge. I had made a request to be permitted to go to Balaghat. Accordingly as per orders of the majesty you gave instructions to me permitting me to camp at any place I like in my jurisdiction. In accordance with these orders, I posted my deputy in the thana of Kalyan. I reached GuIshanabad (Nasik) where I camped for some time. I recruited cavalry and infantry and reorganised my troops. I arrived in the peth of Abda and camped there. I issued instructions that the mansabdars and other officers under me should patrol the area to the length of 10 to 12 kos. Wherever they met the wretched enemy they should put them down. This would help in the maintenance of peace and the protection of the public. The enemy could not find an opportunity to enter the territory under me.

When I was engaged in investing the fort of Trimbak I received orders under the seal of the late Fazal Khan. In the orders it was stated that whatever expenses I incurred on the capture of the fort of Trimbak would be made good from the Government treasury. In view of these assurances I borrowed 1,20,000 rupees from the bankers and conquered the forts. After the capture of the fort His Majesty ordered that I should be given Rs. 30,000 by way of reward. Even that amount I have not received so far. The bankers are pressing me for the return of the amount.

Unless the fort of Patta is reconquered, security of the thanas will be difficult to maintain. This may be reported to the majesty. An imperial officer accompanied by a strong force may be appointed to the task of conquering the fort of Patta. He could march rapidly and lay siege to the fort.

I may be supplied with troops and equipment so that I can be free from anxiety about the thanas in Painghat and exert actively in the capture of the fort.

Qadim Quli Khan, the custodian of the fort of Trimbak, is dead. His son is young in years, in distress and in debts. He has no capacity to protect the fort of Trimbak. It will be advisable to send an experienced officer to ensure security of the fort. If, God forbid, any danger surrounds the fort, it will be difficult to restore the situation.

I noticed that the Sarkar (district) of Baglana is situated in a corner. When the mean enemy (Marathas) marched towards the provinces of Khandesh and Baglana, they passed through the paraganas of Sangamner. If half the contingents of the thanedars and the custodians of forts of that region are attached to Muhammad Hadi, the thanedar of Sangamner, it will be possible for him to maintain security in the thana. Whenever the Marathas desire to proceed towards imperial territory. Muhammad Hadi from that side and Raghu from this side will march with their forces and joining hands will prevent the enemy from passing through the territory. The route of the Marathas will thus be closed. They will not be allowed to devastate the imperial territory. This proposal is for the welfare of the territory. I hope the facts stated by me will be placed before His Majesty and executive officers (mace-bearers) will be appointed to see that the required troops are posted at that place (Sangamner). This will ensure the security of the districts.

Letter addressed to Fazal Khan: His Majesty ordered as follows:

It has been brought to the notice of His Majesty that the wretches (Marathas) have created great disturbances in Gulshanabad (Nasik) and its dependent paraganas. Without an equipped army one can rely only on God. His Majesty orders as follows:

Write to me (Matbar Khan) that he should send a good force to his deputy and toke all precautionary measures for the protection of the district.

As I received this order when I heard that the enemy has spread towards Gulshanabad (Nasik) and other areas adjacent to it I sent a well-equipped force from the thana of Kalyan to punish the enemy. Whatever necessary actions had to be token were token and the enemy was punished. I sent a report to His Majesty of this victory on the 22nd of the month of Shaban. In addition I wrote a letter to you. I took action even before the orders to that effect. The details of my action may be seen by you in my letter. In rendering faithful service I could not slacken as to await orders for taking any action against enemies in the district would be faithlessness to salt.

Some other details are also available regarding the state of affairs in the charge of Matbar Khan. The relevant extracts are reproduced below from " Karnama" :

Your Majesty, Sauhail Beg, the custodian of the fort of Ankai-Tankai and his son Inayatullah, the custodian of the fort of Katra, have been in-treating the inhabitants of my Jagir and the other villages of the paragana of Hatoda. They have devastated the area. A report to this effect has already been submitted. I hope the persons will be transferred from that place and people live off troubles at their hands. The custody of the fort of Ankai- Tankai may be handed over to Dane Singh, son of Pratap Singh Chavan. The custody of the fort of Katra be handed over to Raghunath Singh, the custodian removed from the fort of Manmalganj. He may be given an increase in his mansab. He will thus be able to guard the fort in a better way. The Jagir may be left to me. In the region of Konkan it is not possible to manage troops clamouring for their arrears of pay.

Petition to the emperor: Matbar Khan submits as follows:

Previously, Shripat, the Zamindar of Javhar, died while serving the Government at Gulshanabad (Nasik). His son Vikram Shripat was at that time four years old. Gaurai, the wife of the said Zamindar, brought up the boy. She consoled her officers, servants and the chiefs of the Koli tribe. She administered her estates well. After petitions were submitted to the emperor about the facts of the case, the boy was given the mansab and the title of Shripat. He served the Government. He wrested the estate of Javhar from the hands of the enemy. He captured Kohij and other four forts and included them in the imperial domains. He was actually engaged in serving the emperor. When under the orders of the emperor I arrived in Konkan I established thanas in this region. I appointed Vikram Shripat as the thanedar of Bhivandi. He managed the thana well. Vikram Shripat has now died while serving His Majesty. He has left behind him a son who is seven years old. The tribe of Kolis has spread in his estates from Javhar to the ghat of Junnar. The highway from Gulshanabad (Nasik) to Kalyan passes through their villages. The death of Vikram Shripat caused great distress among the Kolis.

At the time of the death of Aurangzeb the Deccan was divided into the provinces of Khandesh, Berar, Aurangabad, Bidar and Bijapur. Nasik formed part of Sangamner district which was then in Aurangabad Subha while Baglana and Galna districts formed part of the province of Khandesh. Mulher was then the headquarters of the district of Baglana. Baglana and Galna then had 30 and 7 mahals respectively and six monthly revenue returns amounting to Rs. 3,90,701 and Rs. 2,14,179 respectively [Munim Khan in the 18th Century Deccan.].

After the death of Aurangzeb, Azam, his son, left the Deccan for the north in a contest for the throne. He took Shahu, the son of Sambhaji along with him. Shahu, however, left the Moghal camp and marched towards the Deccan to claim the Maratha Kingship. Though he was declared an imposter by Tarabai, the wife of Rajaram, many principal Maratha Chiefs joined him. Among them were Haibatrav Nimbalkar, Nemaji Shinde, Rustomrav Jadhav, Chimanaji Damodar and others from Khandesh and Baglana. Shahu won a victory against Tarabai at Khed on 12th October 1707 and crowned himself King at Satara on 12th January 1708 [Among the various appointments made by him was that of Pratinidhi. To this post he appointed Gadadhar Pralhad who hailed from Trimbakeshvar.]. Shahu had to encounter opposition both from within and without. The opposition within was from the rebellious Maratha Chiefs and that from without was from the Moghal Chiefs who represented the remnants of the Moghal, power in the Deccan [One such Moghal officer was Lodhi Khan of Chakan. The Akhbar of 16th May 1709 states that Raja Bhupatrav, Chandrasen, Rav Ramba and others attacked Baglana with 30,000 troops. They carried devastation in the province. When they were returning with their loot from the hilly region, they were attacked by Lodhi Khan. Lodhi Khan was, however, killed in action.]. The first few years of Shahu's life were then taken in settling the country and establishing order. In 1713 Shahu appointed Balaji Vishvanath as his Peshva. In the same year Nizam-ul-Mulk was appointed to the viceroyalty of Deccan. At Delhi Bahadurshah had died and Farrukhsiyar had ascended the throne. The real power, how­ever, rested with the two Sayyad brothers - Sayyad Abdulla and Sayyad Husain Ali [Incidentally Sayyad Abdulla was Faujdar in Khandesh, during the years 1697-98.]. Nizam-ul-Mulk, the viceroy of the Deccan, was transferred in 1715. He was succeeded by Sayyad Husain Ali Khan. The Sayyad brothers realised the dangers of Maratha inroads into the Moghal territory. In 1715 an army was sent against Khanderav Dabhade, the Maratha nobleman who was ravaging the territory round about Nasik. The expedition proved a complete failure. The details of this encounter are as follows: "Khandoji Dabhade held the Mokasa of the province of Khandesh on behalf of Shahu. He used to harass merchants and other people proceeding from Surat and Gujarat. He used to recover Chauth from them. If anyone refused to pay these dues he used to plunder his goods thoroughly. On hearing of these activities, Husain Ali Khan dispatched his Bakshi Zulfikar Beg, with 4000 horse and 2000 infantry to punish Khandoji Dabhade. Zulfikar Beg made long marches, crossed the ghat of Kasari and entered the Subha of Khandesh. At that time Khandoji Dabhade was in the vicinity of Galna and Baglana with 12000 horse. Khandoji Dabhade engaged in the Deccani type of warfare and fled into hilly and inaccessible regions. The officers advised Zulfikar Beg of the inaccessible nature of the region. In the pride of his bravery Zulfikar Beg paid no heed to their advices. Zulfikar Beg and his inexperienced officers threw all caution to the wind and marched forward. Suddenly the Marathas fell upon them from all sides. The army of the Bakshi was dispersed. Zulfikar Beg, some of his officers and many soldiers drank the cup of martyrdom. The remaining army was plundered by the enemy thoroughly." [The 18th Century Deccan, pp. 55-56.] After this defeat Muhakamsingh, the chief secretary of Husain Ali Khan, was sent with a well-equipped army against Khanderav Dabhade. On his approach Khanderav retired to Satara and his army scattered in various directions. As soon as the Moghal troops returned, Khanderav established his thanas in Khandesh and Baglana again. A second expedition ended in a battle near Ahmadnagar, success again resting with the Marathas. The position of the Sayyads was, however, extremely insecure at Delhi. It was due to the open hostility of the emperor. They sought a compromise with the Marathas. After tedious negotiations through the able management of the Peshva Balaji Vishvanath, the Marathas gained the grants of the Chauth or one fourth and the Sardeshmukhi or one tenth of the Deccan revenues. The area comprised by the northern part of the present Nasik district in those days was covered by the two districts of Baglana and Galna. Khanderav Dabhade held sway over Khandesh and Baglana [The author of Masire Nizami narrates an episode of a clash between Khanderav Dabhade and the forces of Nizam-ul-Mulk during his viceroyalty of the Deccan. He says" Amboji, the Zamindar of Sinnar, had now a rift with Khandoji Dabhade and arriving at the Nizam's camp with 1,000 horsemen he joined the service of the Nizam through Muhammad Giyas Khan. He represented to the Nizam Khandoji Dabhade has constructed a fort at the village of Mahur in the taluka of Baglana. Amboji further submitted, ‘Khandoji Dabhade has fixed Mahur as his place of residence. He plunders merchandise coming from Surat and Ahmadabad. He has spread devastation in the whole area. If the Nizam were to appoint a small force, Khandoji could be put down successfully.’. The Nizam appointed Umar Khan with 1,000 horsemen to this campaign. Umar Khan pene­trated into the enemy territory and dismantled the gadhis of Khandoji. He captured a number of his dependants and brought them to the presence of the Nizam. The Nizam expressed his pleasure and gave mansab and jagir to Umar Khan." (The 18th Century Deccan, p. 54).]  for  the collection of Chauth on behalf of the Maratha king. On 2nd April 1720 Balaji died and was succeeded by his son Bajirav as the Peshva. At Delhi the power of the Sayyad brothers was eclipsed. Sayyad Husain Ali being murdered and Sayyad Abdulla confined and subsequently put to death at the connivance of the emperor, Muhammad Shah. Nizam-ul-Mulk, who had seized power in the Deccan, was appointed Vazir in January 1722. He was soon tired of the court intrigues. In 1724, he marched towards the south outwardly professing allegiance to the emperor but in reality determined to establish himself permanently in the Deccan. In the battle of Fateh Kharda fought in October 1724 Mubariz Khan, the subhedar of Deccan, was killed. The emperor then had little choice but to confirm Nizam-ul-Mulk to the Subha of the Deccan.

Nizam-ul-Mulk introduced fresh vigour into the government of the Deccan. The roads, which for long had been so infested with robbers that traffic was virtually stopped, were made safe. [Muntakhab-ul-lubab in Elliot's History, VII, 530.] However, a clash with the Marathas who were insisting on their rights of collecting chauth and sardeshmukhi was inevitable. The Nizam refused to recognise Maratha officers and openly declared Sambhaji as the Maratha Chhatrapati. The hostility resulted in the battle of Palkhed fought on 28th February 1728 in which the Nizam was humbled and forced to accept Maratha terms. The North was also not quiet and the Moghals were determined to put an end to the Maratha inroads into Malva. Giridhar Bahadur was the subhedar of that province. The Marathas envisaged a campaign against Malva with Chimaji proceeding by the western route through Baglana and Khandesh and Bajirav by the eastern route through Ahmadnagar, Berar, Chanda and Devgad. Chimaji routed Giridhar Bahadur in a quick action at Amjhera (29th November 1728) and Bajirav inflicted a crushing defeat upon Muhammad Bangash, the Moghal subhedar of the province of Allahabad, who had attacked the Bundela Chief. Both the brothers returned to the south thus upholding the Maratha right to collect chauth and sardeshmukhi. The emperor and the Nizam had to recognise the fact that the Marathas were a power to be reckoned with. During all these years the districts of Galna, Baglana and Sangamner constituting the present district of Nasik were in the possession of the Nizam. He appointed commandants to the principal forts of the region such as Mulher alias Aurangagad, Alang, Salher, Galna and others. The ascendency of Bajirav evoked jealousy among many Chiefs of the Maratha Kingdom. Trimbakrav, the son of the former commander­ in-chief of the Marathas Khanderav Dabhade, was one among them. The hostility was intensified due to claims advanced by the Peshva on Gujarat, the domain of the Senapati. Trimbakrav thereupon in conjunction with many other Maratha Chiefs joined intrigues with the Nizam and formed a strong combination against Shahu and Bajirav. Several powerful local Chiefs of Baglana and Khandesh such as Avaji Kavade, Bharsingh Thoke Mudavekar, Dalpatrav Thoke Abhorekar, Bajaji Atole and Kuvar Bahadur, the Deshmukh of Sinnar were induced by Bajirav to accept service under him. These families had a long standing in Khandesh and Baglana and had a large following. Nizam­-ul-Mulk, smarting under the defeat of Palkhed, marched with his powerful artillery and army in the region in 1730. He started ravaging the territory held by these Chiefs systematically. The intention of the Nizam was to give a cover to the Dabhade in the event of an attack from Bajirav, as well as to destroy the Maratha hold in Baglana. In March 1731 the Nizam had a meeting with Muhammad Bangash, the Governor of Malva. Realising the danger inherent in the situation Bajirav decided to settle the issue with the Dabhade on the battlefield. Keeping Chimaji to watch the movements of the Nizam, Bajirav proceeded towards Baroda via Nasik, Peth, Surat and Broach in December 1730. Before the Nizam could effect a junction with the Dabhade, Bajirav inflicted a crushing defeat on the Dabhade in the battle fought at Dabhoi on 1st April 1731. The pretensions of the Senapati and, indirectly of the Nizam, were laid to rest. The subsequent years saw Maratha triumphs in the north and the clash of arms between the Marathas and the Nizam at Bhopal in December 1737 when, the latter was again humbled. In April 1740 Bajirav died and was succeeded by his son Balaji Bajirav alias Nanasaheb. In August or the same year Nasir Jung, the Nizam's son, rebelled. Nizam-ul-Mulk who was at that time in Delhi hurriedly left for the Deccan. The rebellion spread in the region of Nasik and two of the Nizam's officers, Abdul Aziz Khan and Fatehyab Khan sided with Nasir Jung. They were in command of forts in the districts of Baglana and Galna. The Nizam personally marched towards Sangamner, Nasik via the Kasari ghat and ordered Abdul Aziz Khan to report immediately. He obeyed and handed over to the Nizam the two forts which he had recently acquired from Nasir Jung. The Nizam then marched against the fort of Alang which was well fortified. After a short siege it fell into the hands of Nizam-ul-Mulk. The Nizam also directed his army to put down Fateyab Khan [The account is based on the letters of Nizam-ul-Mulk translated in Maharashtra Ani Marathe. p: 118 by P. Setu Madhav Rao.]. All opposition to the Nizam, however, collapsed with the defeat of Nasir Jung at Khuldabad on 23rd July 1741. In the March of the same year Raghuji Bhosle had captured Trichinapally from Chandasaheb. In 1743 with the Marathas preoccupied in the North, Nizam-ul-Mulk descended into Karnatak and recaptured Trichinapally. At that time disturbances arose in Baglana. The Nizam received a letter in his camp at Trichinapally from a newswriter from Khandesh which stated ”At the foot of the fort of Mulher, more than 200 Jamadars (minor officers of the army) had gathered. They harboured inwardly the designs of taking the fort. The governor of the fort had no inkling of this.". The Nizam thereupon ordered that a letter be written to Muhammad Amin Khan, the governor of the fort of Mulher, as follows : "Your negligence has reached this stage. The Jamadars are waiting for an opportunity to seize control and have gathered at the foot of the hill. Any time in the morning or evening the calamity is about to fall on you and you have no knowledge about it. You should awake from your slumber and take action against them, so that their group is broken. Otherwise the result of the affair will not be good. In future you should take proper steps and be alert in guarding the fort. If not, the anger of the heaven will descend upon you [ Anecdotes of Nizam-ul-Mulk from the-18th Century Deccan, pp. 130, 131.]" It appears that conditions in the districts of Baglana and Galna had not settled down since the eruption of the revolt by Nasir Jung and though the revolt was suppressed, unrest continued in that quarter. In 1747 the whole country from Ahmadabad to Hoshangabad suffered so severely from famine that grain rose to 2¼ seers a rupee.