CHAPTER 2 - HISTORY
[This chapter is compiled by Dr. B. G. Kunte, M.A., Ph.D. (Economics), ph.D. (History), Joint Editor, Gazetteers Department and revised by Shri P. Setu Madhava Rao, M.A., I.A.S., Executive Editor and Secretory. Part of the material for the chapter was suppied by Prof. Dr. M. S. Agaskar, M.A., ph.D., Ramnarayan Ruia College, Matunga, Bombay-19]
Proto-History.
THE EXAMINATION OF FOSSIL, REMAINS OF FAUNA found along with prilritive stone tools in the terraces of river valleys like the Godavari and the, and of mountain ranges like the Siwaiks suggest that the antiquity of human life in these regions goes back to about 500,000 years; but for quite a long time man lived at what is known as the " Old Stone" (Palaeolithic) stage. The transition from the " Old Stone" to the " New Stone" (Neolithic) stage was long-drawn out, and this intermediate period, the " mesolithic" stage, lasted down to about 4,000 B.C. in peninsular IndiaThere appears to be hardly any break in the continuity of development from the old to the new stone age through the transition a mesolithic stage. D. H. Gordon favours an immigration of the megalith builders by sea. " It is tempting" , he writes, " to associate them with the people whose ships plied between the Indian coast and Southern Arabia in the first half of the first millennium B.C. and through them in some way with the megaith-builders of the west1" . " And it is also in Mahā rā stra that the megalithic iron age civilization must have clashed with the Southward movement of the first Aryan people to invade the Deccan2" . " The Sacredness of the source of the river Godā vaī and he importance of its valley made it one of the earliest trade route between the sea and the north Deccan, and the beauty of the lower reaches of the river attracted to its banks some of the earliest Aryan settlements3" .
1. He writes " But they are concentrated in the South of Peninsula in areas not likely to be affected by land-borne impulses from Iran, but exposed rather to maritime influences. If their distribution do suggest inspiration from the west that must surely have come by sea.'
2. Christopher von Furer. Haimendorf, p. 245
3. Nilkanta Sastri, 36.
Epics and Puranas.
Parbhani district forms part of the greater tract known as Maharastra and till 1853 was included in Berā r along with Buldlā nā , Akolā , Amā rvat and Yavatmā l districts. The most ancient history of this region could be traced to the legends recorded in the Epics and the Purā nas, which state that the country to the south of the Vindhya was in those days covered by. dense forests. The first Aryan to cross the mountain was the sage Agastya who fixed his abode on the bank of the Godā varī . We find several temples of Agastya in the south such as those on Mahendra and Malya mountains and even as far as Ceylon. It is said that Agastya later married Lopā mudrā , the daughter of the king of Vidarbha.
Several other sages followed Agastya to the south. Their life was not a happy one. The inhabitants of the south described as rā ksasas in the Rā mā yana troubled the sages by their cruel and terrific displays and spoiled the vedic sacrifices performed by them1.
The circumstances changed with the passage of time. A kingdom was founded in this region by king Vidarbha, the son of Rsabhadeva. The region came to be called Vidarbha after him. The capital of this kingdom was Kundinapura in the Amrā vatī district, on the bank of the Wardhā river in the Cā ndur tahsil. During the Paurā nic period, Kundinapura remained the capital of this kingdom.
The Rgveda does not mention Vidarbha though Agastya who is the seer of some
hymns of the Rgveda, married the daughter of the king of Vidarbha. However,
during the time of the Upanisads the country became well known as could be seen
from the fact that the Brhadā ranyaka Upanisad mentions the sage
Kaundinya of Vidarbha and the Praś nopanisad mentions one Bhargava of the
same country. The Uttarakanda of the Rā mā yana enumerates the story
of king Danda who violated the daughter of the sage
Bhārgava. Bhā rgava thereupon cursed the king that his whole territory
between the Vindhya and Ś aivala mountains would be devastated by a dust-storm.
Vidarbha was subsequently devastated by a terrible dust-storm and thus the whole
country ruled over by king Danda was turned into a forest which came to be known
as Dandakā ranya after the king Danda.
The Epics and the Purā nas mention several sacred rivers of the Vidarbha region such as Pā yosnī (Purnā ), Varadā (Wardhā ) and Vena (Waingangā ). Vā lhurgrā m and Pā thrī in Parbhanī district also claim epic connections. The former is supposed to be the- birth place of Vā lyā Kolī who later became the celebrated author of Rā mā yana. The latter is held to be the Pā rthpurī founded by the third Pā ndava who is known by several names such as Pā rtha, Arjun, Dhanań jaya, etc.
The royal house of Vidarbha also seems to be matrimonially connected with the princely dynasties of Northern India and we find the Vidarbha princesses Damayantī , Indumatī and Rukminī married to Nala, Aja and Krsna, respectively. These episodes are well known in Indian literature and have provided many a brilliant Sanskrt and Marī thī poets with themes for the creation of excellent literary works.
In historical times Vidarbha was a part of the empire of Aś oka the great, whose rock edicts mention Bhojas as the people among others accepting his religious precepts. In ancient times Vidarbha was ruled over by the Bhoja family and hence the people of Vidarbha came to be called Bhojas. An inscription found at Deotak in the Candś district of Vidarbha, issued in the 17th regnal year of Aś oka by the Mahā mā tra appointed by Aś oka to administer the province records the order of the emperor (Aś oka) prohibiting the capture and slaughter of animals1. The capital of Aś oka was Pā taliputra.
1. Muir's Original Sanskrit Texts, Quoted in the previous edition of the Nagpur District Gazetteer.
Mauryas.
The Mauryan empire was overthrown in c. 184 B.C. by Pusyamitra, the founder of the ś unga dynasty. The province of Vidarbha had seceded in the declining days of the Mauryan empire and was now ruled by Yajñasena. There was another claimant to the throne of Vidarbha, viz., Mā dhavasena, the cousin of Yajñasena. Yajñasena put Madhavasena behind the bars; upon which the latter's sister escaped to Mā lvā which was governed by Agnimitra as viceroy and got admission in Agnimitra's harem as a hand-maid. Agnimitra who had supported the cause of Mā dhavasena sent an army against Yajñasena and by defeating the army of Vidarbha released Madhavasena. Agnimitra who was enamoured by the beauty of Mā lavikā , the sister of Mā dhavasena, married her. The country of Vidarbha was now divided between the two cousins, the Varadā . river sepa- rating the dominions of the two brothers. The country to the west of Varadā was composed o£ the districts of Amrā vatī , Akolā , Buldhā nā , Yavatmā l, Parbhanī and Nā nded districts.
The love story of Mā lavikā and Agnimitra forms the plot of Kā lidā sa's drama Mā lavikā gnimitra. Though no details about the ancestry of the two brothers could be found, it is possible to assume that they were the feudatories of Sā tavā hanas. Khā ravela, the Kalinga monarch, was a contemporary of Pusyamitra. His Hā thigumphā 2 inscription tells us that his army not minding the might of Sā takarn penetrated up to the river Kanhabennā which is modern Kanhā n flowing through Nā gpur district. Sā takarni probably belonged to the Sā tā vahana dynasty as his name very often occurs in the Sā tā vahana genealogy. Khā ravela thus invaded Vidarbha which was ruled by a feudatory of Sā tavā hanas. The invasion of Khā ravela created panic among the people of Rsika that is modern Khā ndeś 3. The Sā tavā hana forces advanced to meet the invading army, seeing which the Kalinga king retreated to his own country.
1. Mirashi, Studies in Indology, Vol. I, p. 109 f.
2. Ep. Ind., Vol. 20, p. 79.
3. Jayaswal and Banerji's reading Musika in line 4 of this inscription is incorrect. Barua reads Asika, which seems to be correct. For the identification of this country see A.B.O.R.I., Vol. XXV, p.167 f.
Sā tavā hanas.
The Sā tā vā hanas held sway over Vidarbha for about 450 years from c. 200 B.C. to 250 A.D. They were ousted from their possessions in Western Mahā rā stra towards the close of first century A.D. by the Ś aka Satraps. The Stā vā hanas thereupon took shelter in Vidarbha. No records of these kings are found in Vidarbha but that Sā tavā hanas ruled the Vidarbha Country before Gautamiputra Sā takarnī , defeated the Ś aka Satraps and re-occupied Western Mā hā rā stra has been conclusively proved. In one of the Nā ś ik inscriptions of the Sā tavā hanas, this Gautami- putra Sā takarnī is called Benā katakasvā mī 1 which is none other than the territory on both the hanks of the river Bennā or Waingarigā . This Benā kata is mentionèd in the Tirodi plates of the Vā kā taka king Pravarasena II2 which record the grant of a village in Benā kata.
Gautamiputra was the undisputed master of the Deccan and his empire was held together by his son Pulumā vi and Yajñaś rī , a later scion of the family. Their inscriptions are found in the west as far as Thā nā and in the east as far as Krsnā district. A hoard of Sā tavā hana coins found in 1939 at Tarhā lā in Marigrul tahsil of Akolā district3 has coins of as many as 11 kings which goes to show that the Sā tavā hanas did not lose their hold on Vidarhha to the last. Of the eleven kings, Gautamiputra Sā takarnī , Pulumā vi, Sivaś ri Pulumā vi, Yajñaś ri Sā takarnī and Vijaya Sā takarnī are mentioned by the Purā nas.
The Sā tavā hanas patronised the Vedic religion of Aryans as well as the religion of Buddha. They bestowed lavish gifts on Brā hmanas and at the same time granted villages for the mainte- nance of Buddhist monks. One of the Sā tavā hana kings, Hā la, is the author of Sattasaī , an anthology of 700 Prā krt verses which shows that the Sā tavā hanas patronised Prā krt literature as well.
Vā kā takas.
The Sā tavā hana power declined in about A.D. 250 and their place in Vidarbha was taken over by the Vā kā takas. The founder of the Vā kā taka dynasty was a Brahman named Vindhyaś akti4. Both he and his son Pravarasena I are mentioned by the Purā nas which state that the latter performed several vedic sacrifices and called himself Samrā t or Universal Emperor. He ruled from his capital at Purika5 situated at the foot of the Rkś avat or Sā tpudā mountain6. At the time of his death his empire was divided among his four sons. The eldest son of Pravarasena I, Gautami- putra had predeceased his father and was therefore succeeded by his son Rudrasena I who ruled in the northern part of Vidarbha. His capital was Nandivardhana or modern Nagardhan near Rā mtek. Rudrasena's mother was the daughter of Bhā rasiva Nā gas of North India7. His inscription at Deotak records the construction of a Dharma-Sthā na (temple) by him8.
1. Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p.65 f., Benakataka is also mentioned in a Bharhut incription, Ep. Ind., Vol. XXXIII, p.59.
2. Ibid., Vol. II, p.167 f.
3. J.N.S.I., Vol. II, p. 83 f.
4. He mentioned in an inscription in cave XVI at Ajanta (Mirashi, C.I.I., Vol. VI, p. 102 f.
5. D.K.A., p. 50. See Jayswal's reading Purikam Chanakam cha vai in place of Purim Kanchanakam cha vai.
6. Mirashi, C.I.I., Vol. VI, p. xviii, f.n. 5.
7. Ibid., p. xx.
8. Ibid., p. 1 f.
Rudrasena I was succeeded by his son Prthiviś ena I. This ruler had a long reign of peace and prosperity. His son Rudrasena II was married to the daughter of Candragupta II—Vikramā ditya, the illustrious Gupta ruler of North India. Rudrasena II's reign was short and he left behind him, his two minor sons, Divā karasena and Dā modarasena alias Pravarasena II. During the minority of her elder son, Prabhā vatī guptā , their mother, ruled as regent for a period of thirteen years1. It is probable that she was helped in her task of administration by the civil and military officers loaned by her father Candragupta II. The great poet laureate of India, Kā lidā sa, might have been one of these officers who stayed at Nandivardhan and by visiting Rā mgiri (modern Ramtek) com- posed that excellent lyric Meghadū ta2.
A couple of copper-plate grants issued from Nandivardhan by Prabhā vatī guptā have been found in Poonā district recording the grant of a village to a Brā riman. The village mentioned is Danguna that is modern Hinganghā t.
Divā karasena died early and was followed by his younger brother Dā modarasena. He called himself Pravarasena II after the name of his illustrious ancestor and ruled for a long period of about 30 years.
This ruler built up a new city, Pravarapura, where he shifted his capital. He built a temple dedicated to God Rā mcandra. The panels used in the construction of this temple have been found at Pavnā r, 6 miles from Wardhā , on the banks of the river Dhā m. This has led the scholars to identify Pavnā r with Pravarapura. This devotion to Rā ma on the part of Pravarasena II could be accredited to his mother Prabhā vatī guptā 3. In glorification of Rā ma, Pravarasena II is also said to have composed a Prā krt Kā vya, Setubandha, which the later commentators hold to have been written by Kā lidā sa who ascribed it to the king.
Narendrasena succeeded his father Pravarasena II. The Nala king Bhavadattavarman, who ruled the Bastar district of the Madhya Pradeś and the adjoining parts of the Vizā gapatam dis- trict of Ā ndhra Pradeś invaded Vidarbha and occupied a conside- rable portion of Vidarbha. This could be seen from the fact that when Bhavadattavarman was on pilgrimage to Prayā g4, his son Arthapati issued in his father's name a copper-plate grant from Nandivardhan recording the grant of a village, Kadambagiri- grā ma or modem Kalamb, in the Yavatmā l district. This copper- plate grant was found along with many others at Riddhapū r in the Amrā vatī district.
The occupation of their capital by the Nalas forced the Vā kā takas to change their capital to Padmapura that is modern Padampur in the Bhandā rā district.
1. Mirashi, C.I.I. Vol. VI, p. XVIII f.n. 5.
2. Mirashi, Studies in Indology, Vol. I, p. 12 f.
3. Mirashi, Studies in Indology, Vol. II, p. 272 f.
4. Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 100 f.
The Nala occupation of Vidarbha was short-lived because Prthī ś vena II, son of Narendrasena defeated and ousted the invad- ing forces. Prthiviś ena II took advantage of the weakening power of the Guptas to extend his arms to the territory north of the Narmadā .
The Vā kā taka family ceased to exist by about A.D. 490 and the whole of the northern Vidarbha now became a part of the domi- nion of the other or the Vatsagulma branch.
The founder of this branch was Sarvasena, the younger son of Pravarasena I and had as its capital Vatsagulma or modern Vā sim in Akolā district. The Parbhanī and Nā nded1 districts of Marā - thavada formed part of the dominion of the Vatsagulma branch. Pravarasena I is accredited with the authorship of Prā krt Kā vya, Harivijaya. Not much information is available about those who succeeded him except the last, viz., Harisena who is said to have ruled from Arabian Sea to the Bay of Bengal and from Mā lvā to the Tungabhadrā 2. During the reign of this king three of the caves at Ajantā , viz., the two Vihā ra Caves Nos. XVI and XVII and the Caitya Cave No. XIX were excavated and decorated with fresco paintings.
Kalacuris.
The Vā kā takas were supplanted by about A.D. 550 by the Kalacuris of Mā hismati or modern Maheś var in Central India. The Kalacuri dynasty was founded by Krsnarā ja. A good number of his coins have been found at Dhamori in Amrā vatī district and Pattan in Betul district which was then included in Vidarbha. These coins circulated for a period of 150 years after Krsnarā ja3 as could be deduced from the Añjaneri plates of the Hariscandriya king Bhogaś akti over an area extending from Mā lvā and Rajputā nā in the north to the districts of Sā tā rā and Nā sik in the south and from the islands of Bombay and Sā sti in the west to the districts of Amrā vatī and Betul in the east. Even with the fall of Vā kā takas, Nandivardhan did not lose its importance as is evidenced by the issue of the Nagardhana plates of his feudatory Svā mirā ja dated in the Kalacuri year 322 (A.D. 573)4. This also goes to show that eastern Vidarbha formed part of the Kalacuri kingdom.
The Kalacuryas were overthrown by the Cā lukya Pulakeś in II who defeated Buddharā ja, the grandson of Krsnarā ja in about A.D. 620. This Pulakeś in is described as the lord of three Mahā - rastras5 comprising 99,000 villages and Vidarbha was undoubtedly one of them. The Rā strakū ta feudatories of Kalacuris in Vidarbha now transferred their allegiance to the Cā lukyas. Two grants, one dated Ś aka 615 found at Sangalud6 in the Akolā district and the
1. Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 93 f.
2. Mirashi, C.I.I. Vol. VI, p. 102 f.
3. Loc cit.
4. Ibid., Vol. IV. p. 611 f.
5. Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 1 f.
6. Ibid., Vol. XXIX. p. 109 f.
other dated Ś aka 631 discovered at Multā i1, give the following genealogy of the Rā strakū ta feudatories of the Cā lukyas:—
Durgā raja
│
Govindarā ja
│
Svamikarā ja
│
Nannarā ja
(Known dates—A.D. 693 and 713)
Rā ş trakū tas.
Nandivardhan was the capital of these feudatory Rā strakū tas of Vidarbha but subsequently it was shifted to Acalpur in Amrā - vatī district as is proved by later references to events in their history. The Cā lukyas were overthrown by the Rā strakū tas about the middle of the 8th Century A.D. and several records of their dynasty are found. They are the Bhā ndak Copper-plate inscrip- tion of Krsna I, dated in the ś aka year 694 (A.D. 772) recording the grant of the village Nagana to a temple of the Sun in Udumbaramantī , modern Rā nī Amrā vatī in the Yavatmā l dis- trict2, and three copper-plate inscriptions found at Sirso, a village in the neighbouring Akolā district of Govinda III dated in the Ś aka years 725, 729 and 734, respectively which record the grants of the villages of Jharika3, Lohā rā 4 and Sisavai5.
The Rā strakū tas of Mā nyakheta and the Kalacuris or Tripuri were on friendly6 terms but during the reign of Govinda IV, the Kalacuri king Yuvarā jadeva I put forth the claims of his son-in- law Baddiga Amoghavarsa III, the uncle of Govinda IV to the Rā strakū ta throne. A large army was sent against Vidarbha and in the battle fought between Karkarā ja, a feudatory of Govinda IV, who ruled Vidarbha and the Kalacuri forces, on the bank of the Pā yosnī the Kalacuris won the day. This encounter took place in c. A.D. 9357.
Another grant of the Rā strakū tas of the reign of Baddiga Amoghavarsa's son Krsna III, dated Ś aka 862 (A.D. 940-41) was found at Devil in the Wardhā district8. It mentions the grant of a village in Nā gapū ra Nandivardhana, which Nā gapū ra might be the site where the present city of Nā gpū r is located.
Cā lukyas.
The later Cā lukyas of Kalyā ni followed the Rā strakū tas. Two inscriptions of the Cā lukyas, one the so-called Sitā buldi stone inscription, dated S. 1008 (A.D. 1087) and the other at Dongargā nv in Yavatmā l district dated S. 1034 (A.D. 1112)9. Both the inscrip- tions belong to the reign of Cā lukya king Vikramā ditya VI. The first records the grant of some nivartanas of land made by a feudatory named Dhadibhā ndaka. It makes mention of Jagad-deva, the youngest son of Udayā ditya, a brother of Paramā ra Bhoja and states that Jagaddeva left Mā lvā and entered the services of Vikramā ditya VI. Jagaddeva was put in charge of some portion of Western Vidarbha.
1.Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 230 f.
2. Ep. Ind., Vol. XIV, p. 121 f.
3. Ibid., Vol. XXXII. p. 157 f.
4. Ibid., Vol. XXXIII. p. 205 f.
5. Ibid., Vol. XXXIII. p. 212 f.
6. Mirashi, C.I.I., Vol. IV, p. lxxxi f.n. 4.
7. Ibid., Vol. IV. p. lxxxi f.
8. Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p. 188 f.
9. Ibid., Vol., XXVI. p. 177 f.
If the Cā lukyas occupied Western Vidarbha, it appears that the Paramā ras of Dhā r took possession of Eastern Vidarbha. An inscription at Bhā ndak in Cā ndā district dated in the Vikram year 1161 (A.D. 1104-05) traces the genealogy of the Paramā ra prince Naravarman from Vairisimha1. This inscription records the grant of two villages, viz., Mokhalipā taka and Vyā pura to a temple probably situated at Bhā ndak, because of the vicinity of these villages to Bhā ndak. Mokhalipā taka is probably Mokhara 50 miles west of Bhā ndak and Vyā pura probably Vurgā riv about 30 miles north-east of Mokhara.
The rulers of Vidarbha after the downfall of the Vā kā takas, were the feudatories of the ruling families successively at Mā hiś matī , Badā mī and Kalyā ni. Due to the loss of royal patronage in Vidarbha many a distinguished learned person had to leave Vidarbha and seek patronage elsewhere. Among these could be mentioned Bhavabhū ti, Rā jaś ekhara and Trivikramabhatta all of whom were sons of Vidarbha2. Bhavabhū ti, the author of Mahā - vircarita who sought patronage in Padmavā tī , the capital of the Nā gas in the north tells in the prologue of the play that his ancestors lived in Padmapura (modern Padampura in Bhandā rā district). Rā jaś ekhara who first sought patronage with Gurjara Pratī hā ras3 and later with Kalacuri king Yuvarā jadeva I glorifies Vatsagulma (modern Vā ś irn) in his Kā vyamimā msā as the pleasure resort of the god of love. Trivikramabhatta, who flourished at the court of the Rā strakū ta king Indra III, the author of Nalacampū graphically describes the holy places and rivers in Vidarbha.
Yā davas.
The last quarter of the twelfth century A.D. marks the rise of the Yā davas of Devagiri. The Yā davas who ruled over Seunadeś a as the feudatories of later Cā lukyas, became independent under Bhillama. He founded the city of Devagiri and made it his capital. The Yā dava kingdom reached new proportions in the reign of Singhana. One of his inscriptions dated in Ś aka 1132 was found in Vidarbha and records the erection of a torana at Ambadā pura (modern Amdā pur) in the Buldhā nā district4. The general of Singhana, Kholeś vara was the native of Udumbara- parikti5 (modern Rā nī Amrā vatī ) and he won many a battle for his master. He built several temples in Vidarbha and Marā thavā dā , the notable being that of Ambejogā ī . He establish- ed agrahā ras on the banks of the Pā yosnī and Varadā .
1. Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 180 f.
2. Mirashi, Studies in Indology, Vol. I., p. 21 f.
3. Ibid., Vol. I. p. 54 f.
4. Ibid., Vol. XXI. p. 127 f.
5. G. H. Khare, Sources of the Meadiaeval History of the Deccan (Marathi), Vol. I.
Rā macandra of the Yā dava dynasty was the last Hindu ruler of Devagiri, during whose reign the Muslims invaded the south. The Yā dava kingdom of Devagiri came to an end in A.D. 1318 when it was annexed by the Khilji emperors of Delhi. The Yā davas, like their predecessors, were patrons of art, architecture and learning. Hemā dri, a minister of Yā dava kings Mahā deva and Rā macandra, brought in vogue a new style of constructing temples which came to be called Hemā dpanti after his name. Many such temples are found in Vidarbha. Hemā dri hailed from Vidarbha and held the post of Srī -karanā dhī pa or Head of the Secretariat. He was responsible for annexing to the Yā dava empire the eastern part of Vidarbha known as Jhā dī -mandala.
Hemā dri, who was himself a great scholar, patronised one Bopadeva, a native of the village Vedapada (modern Belod) on the bank of the Wardhā . Bopadeva is credited with having compos- ed ten works on Sanskrt grammar, nine on medicine, one for the determination of tithis, three on poetics and an equal number for the elucidation of the Bhā gavat doctrine.
Like Sanskrt, Marā thī also flourished under the Yā davas. The propagator of the Mahā nubhā va cult in that age, Cakradhara, used Marā thī as the vehicle of his religious teachings. Among others using Mā rathī as the language of literary works during Yā dava period could be mentioned Mukundarā ja, the author of the Vedantic works Vivekasindhu and Paramā mrta, and jñā neś - vara, the celebrated author of the Bhā vā rthadī pikā , a commentary on the Bhagavadgitā .
Invasion of the Deccan.
In 1294 Alā -ud-din, nephew and son-in-law of Jalā l-ud-din Firoz Shā h Khilji, the reigning emperor of Delhi, assembled an army and suddenly invaded the Deccan without the knowledge or con- sent of his uncle. His objective was Devagiri. He marched from Kā rrā , his headquarters, to Canderi and thence across the Sā tpudā s to Ellicpū r (Acalpū r), from where he advanced by forced marches towards Devagiri. Alā -ud-din not only carried off from Devagiri an enormous quantity of plunder1, but was strong enough to insist on the assignment of the revenues of Ellicpū r and the districts attached thereto. Annexation was not attempted, nor were Muhammedans introduced into the administration. Trea- sure was all that Alā -ud-din required for his immediate needs and this the adventurer obtained in plenty2,
Alā -ud-din ascends the throne.
Alā -ud-din, on his return, murdered his uncle3 and ascended the throne of Delhi on 19th July 1296. During his reign, Berā r was traversed by Muhammedan armies from Delhi marching on expeditions to the south, but we find no special mention of the province. In an expedition in 1306 under Malik Kā fur Hazā r- dinā ri against Devagiri in consequence of Rā mcandra having failed to remit tribute1, Rā mcandra and his family were captured and sent to Delhi. He was, however, pardoned by the emperor and restored to his throne.
Rā mcandra died in 1310 and was succeeded by his eldest son Ś ankar. Ś ankar rebelled against Delhi and refused to remit the tribute. In 1313 Malik Kā fur was again sent to Devagiri to punish the recalcitrant Ś ankar. He defeated and slew Ś ankar and annexed his kingdom, including Berā r, to the empire. Parbhanl district thus came for the first time directly under Muhammedan administration.
1. Alaudin Collected over 1,400 pounds of gold and great quantity of pearls and rich stuff-Haig: Cambridge History of India, Vol. III p.96.
2. Haig, p.97.
3. Briggs Ferishta, I, pp. 317-18.
Rebellion in Devagiri,
Alā -ud-din Khilji died on January 2, 1316. In the confusion which followed his death and the subsequent assassination of Malik Kā fur, Harpā l, the son-in-law of Rā mcandra, seized Devagiri and declared his independence bringing Berā r once again under Hindu rule2. By 1318 affairs at Delhi had settled down and Kutub-ud-din Mubarak Shah, who was then on the throne, marched against Harpā l, captured and killed him. Parbhanī thus passed again, with the rest of Berā r, into the hands of the Musalmans. The province remained under Muhammedan rule and administration until it was assigned under the treaty of 1853 to the East India Company.
The new governor of the province was Malik Yaklaki. He, however, shortly afterwards rebelled. The rebellion was sup- pressed but no details are available about the part played by the officers of Berā r therein.
Tughlak Shā h.
Kutub-ud-din Mubā rak Shah was assassinated on April 14, 1320. But the usurper was defeated and slain before the end of that year by Gā zī Beg Tughlak, the Turki governor of the Punjab. Gā zī Beg was raised to the imperial throne under the title of Ghiyā s-ud-din Tughlak Shā h. Though the expeditions of the Delhi emperors to the Deccan were of no direct relevance to the history of Berā r, Berā r no doubt suffered indirectly due to heavy exactions and heavy expenses of the wars. Ghiyā s-ud-din Tughlak died in 1325s. He was succeeded by his son, Muhammad-bin Tughlak. The new emperor shifted the capital of the empire from Delhi to Devagiri in 1327 and renamed it as Daulā tā bā d. Daulatā bā d, however, did not remain the capital city for long but during the period it was the capital, the importance of Berā r must have increased due to its proximity to the capital.
Organization of Provinces of Deccan.
Under the Tughlaks, Mahā rā stra was divided into four provin- ces. Though the exact boundaries of the provinces are not mentioned, each province probably corresponded roughly with the four tarafs or provinces into which the Bahamani kingdom was afterwards divided. Berā r, with its capital at Ellicpū r (Acalpū r), was one of them. The land revenue of the whole tract was assessed at seven crores of white tankas* of 175 grains each or about Rs. 3,50,00,000. From the fact that the collection of this revenue caused discontent and partial depopulation of the country, it seems that this assessment was excessive. There were three ś ikkdā rs or the heads of provinces. They were Malik Sardavat- dā r, Malik Mukhlis-ul-mulk Yusuf Bughrā , and Aziz Himā r or Khammā r. They were subordinate to Kutlagh Khan, governor of Daulatā bā d. He was assisted by Imā d-ul-mulk. Next to the provincial governors were officials styled centurions. They were military officers who also performed such civil duties as the collection of revenue, prevention and detection of crime and maintenance of order.
1. Briggs, I, pp. 327-328.
2. Water Elliot, p. 31; Nilkanta Sastri, p. 222 ; Briggs Ferishta, I, p. 381.
3. J.R.A.S. for July, 1922.
Rebellion of amirs of Deccan.
In 1347 a rebellion broke out among the centurions of Gujarat. Muhammad-bin Tughlak personally marched to Gujarat and quelled the rebellion. He decided now to replace the centurions of Gujarat by those of the Deccan and with this view summoned them. Fearing that they were called for being punished, they murdered the officer who was sent to call them on their way to Broach where they were ordered to assemble. Thereafter they returned to Daulatā bā d where they rebelled and raised one Ismail Fateh (the Afghan), king of the Deccan, with the title of Nasir-ud-din Shah. The emperor on hearing the news of the rebellion marched to Daulatā bā d and defeated the rebels. But Nasir-ud-din took refuge in the fort which Muhammad was unable to capture. At this time news arrived of a fresh outbreak in Gujarat. The emperor left for Gujarat hurriedly leaving an army to besiege Daulatā bā d. The amirs of the Deccan defeated the besieging forces. Nasir-ud-din, however, abdicated in favour of Hasan, styled Zafar Khā n, whom the amirs elected as their king. He ascended the throne as Alā -ud-din Bahaman Shā h on August 3, 1347.
Bahamanis.
Bahaman Shā h was the founder of the Bahamani dynasty of the Deccan which lasted in fact until 1482 and in name until 1526. He divided the kingdom into four tarafs or provinces, viz., Berā r, Daulatā bā d, Bidar, and Gulbargā 1 and a tarafdā r or provin- cial governor was appointed over each. These tarafdā rs enjoyed extensive powers. The headquarters of Berā r was at Ellicpū r. The Berā r province had the river Godā vari as its southern boundary and its western boundary extended beyond Baitalvā dī (in Aurangā bā d district). The provincial governor commanded the provincial army, collected the revenues and made all appointments, both civil and military, including appointments to the command of forts, which were among the most important of all. His relations with the central authority were confined to the regular remission of a proportion of the revenue and to attending on his sovereign with the army of the province, whenever he might be called upon to do so. The province of Berā r was probably divided into two principal divisions, one in the north with its capital at Ellicpū r and the other on the south with its capital at Mā hur.
1. Briggs Ferishta, II, p. 295; Dr. Kunte, Bahamani Rajyacha Itihas, pp. 22-23.
In the reign of Muhammad Shah Bahamani, who succeeded his father in 1358, each tarafdā r was given a distinctive title and the governor of Berā r was styled Majlis-i-Ali.
Safdar Khā n, governor of Berdā r.—The first governor of Berā r under the Bahamanis was a Persian, Safdar Khā n Sistā ni. He joined forces in Muhammad Shah's expedition into Telanganā in 1362 and was away for two years1. In 1366, Bahrā m Khā n Mā zandarā nī , a deputy governor of Daulatā bā d, revolted at the instigation of Govind Dev, a Marā thā . He was joined by several of the nobles of Berā r, who were related to Bahrain Khan. The rebels were, however, defeated and fled to Gujarat. Muhammad Shah issued special orders at this time to his tarafdā rs for the suppression of highway robberies which seem to be rampant in the Deccan of those days. It is reported that the tarafdā rs sent 20,000 heads of the beheaded malefactors to Gulbargā .
Muhammad Shah toured the provinces of the kingdom, when not engaged in war. It could thus be seen that the provinces were well administered in those days. This shows the pattern of administration in the kingdom in general and the province of Berā r in particular.
Mujā hid Shā h.—Muhammad I died in 1377 and was succeeded by his son, Mujā hid Shā h. In his war against Bukka I of Vijaya- nagar he called Safdar Khā n to the capital with the army of Berā r. He was sent to besiege Adoni. Bukka was defeated and the fortress fell. Mujā hid Shah turned towards the capital and ordered the larafdā rs of Bidar and Berā r to return to their provinces. Shortly afterwards Mujā hid was assassinated on April 15, 1378, at the instigation of his uncle, Dā ud. Dā ud hastened to Gulbargā to ascend the throne. Safdar Khā n and the governor of Bidar refused to attend him there. They turned to Bijā pū r and divided between them the royal elephants stationed there. They then returned to their provinces. Dū ud Shah did not live long and was assassinated on May 20, 1378. He was succeeded by his nephew, Muhammad Shah II.
With the accession of Muhammad II, Safdar Khā n and the governor of Bidar hastened to the capital to offer him their con- gratulations. Early in the reign of Muhammad Shah there was a severe famine in Berā r and the Deccan. A school for famine orphans was established at Ellicpū r, where children were brought up in the Muhammedan faith and special allowances were given in all towns to religious teachers and to the blind2.
Salā bat Khā n.—Muhammad II died on April 20, 1397. He was succeeded by his elder son, Ghiyā s-ud-din. Safdar Khā n Sistā ni died in Ellicpū r during his reign. His son, Salā bat Khā n, was appointed governor of Berā r in his father's place and was given the title of Majlis-i-Ali. On June 14th, 1397, Ghiyā s-ud-din was blinded and deposed and was followed by his brother Ś ams-ud-din.
1. Briggs, II, pp. 305, 309.
2. Haig, p. 385.
He also met with a similar fate at the end of the year and was succeeded by his cousin, Tā j-ud-din Firoz Shā h. The army of Berā r, under Salā bat Khā n, took part in Firoz Shā h's campaign against Harihara II of Vijayanagar in 1398-99, but the absence of the governor from Berā r encouraged Narsingh Dev, the Gond Rā jā of Kherlā , to overrun the province from north to south and occupy it1. Firoz Shā h thereupon marched northwards, captured Mā hur and pressed on towards Kherlā by way of Ellicpū r. He made a halt here and dispatched troops under the command of his brother Ahmad Khā n, the Khā n-i-Khā nā n, against Narsingh Dev. In the battle fought within a short distance of Kherlā , between the troops of Ahmad and those of Narsingh Dev, the Muslims2 suffered severe reverses in the beginning but later rallied round to defeat the Gonds. The Gonds were pursued with great slaughter to the gates of Kherlā . The fort of Kherlā was besieged by Ahmad Khā n and Fazl-ullā h. After the siege had lasted for two months, the Gonds offered to surrender but the Gond Rā jā was told that he would have to make submission to Firoz Shā h in Ellicpū r. This he did and promised to remain a faithful liegeman of the Bahamanis as his predecessor had been in the days of Bahaman Shā h.
It appears that the tarafdā r of Berā r, Salā bat Khā n was killed in this battle because we find that Firoz Shā h, immediately before he left Ellicpū r for Gulbargā , appointed Mir Fazl-ullā h Añju. governor of Berā r.
Wars with Vijayanagar and Gondvana.—Firoz Shā h, when he was at war with Vijayanagar in 1406, called the army of Berā r under Fazl-ullā h. He was asked to conduct the siege of Bankā pū r, which he did successfully. Bankā pū r, with the country surround- ing it, was annexed to the Bahamani dominions, and Fazl-ullā h and his army returned to Berā r. Again in 1412 Firoz Shā h declared war against the Gonds and the army of Berā r probably took a principal part in the campaign.
In 1417 Firoz Shā h again declared war on Vijayanagar, this time with disastrous results. The Muslims were heavily defeated and the governor of Berā r was treacherously slain. No tarafdā r was immediately appointed but the Government of the province was probably carried on by the deputy of Mir Fazl-ullā h Añju, the slain governor. In 1422 Firoz Shā h was deposed by his brother Ahmad Khan. The latter ascended the throne in Gulbargā as Ahmad Shah I. He brought the war with Vijayanagar to a successful conclusion. He was impressed by the exemplary valour of one Abdul Kā dir, the captain of the guard who had saved the king's life on one occasion. Abdul Kā dir was rewarded with the governorship of Berā r with the title of Khā n-i-Jahā n in addition to the ex-officio title of Majlis-i-Ali. Abdul Kā dir was a Deccani of Turki descent and held the governorship of Berā r for nearly forty years3.
1. Haig, page 387.
2. Muslim generals, viz., Shujat Khan, Dilavar Khan and Bahadur Khan were slain.
3. Bahamani Rajyacha Itihas, f.n. p. 71.
Ahmad Shā h visits Ellicpū r.—The defeat of the Muslims in 1417 encouraged the Hindus of the greater part of Berā r to rise in revolt. Ahmad Shā h, therefore, in 1425 left the capital forx his northward march towards Ellicpū r and recaptured Mā hur and Kalam, which had fallen in the hands of Gonds. He reached Ellicpū r and stayed there for a year and then returned to his capital. Narsirigh Dev, the Raja of Kherlā , requested his suzerain to help him against Hoś arig. Ahmad Shah ordered the governor of Berā r to go to the succour of Narsingh Dev while he himself marched to Ellicpū r. In the meanwhile Hoś ang had devastated Narsingh. Dev's territory and besieged Kherlā . Ahmad Shā h now started advancing against Hoś ang but retraced his steps on the advice of the religious doctors in his camp that a Muslim must not attack a brother Muslim. This emboldened Hoś ang who started closely pursuing the retreating Deccani army. Ahmad Shā h now realised his folly and when the enemy crossed the frontiers of his kingdom he drew his army in a battle array to face the enemy on the bank of a river1. The governor of Berā r, Khā n-i-Jahā n commanded the right wing of the army. According to Ferishta, Ahmad stayed at Ellicpū r to strengthen his nor- then frontiers. This was not to the liking of Hoś ang Shā h of Mā lvā who attacked Ahmad's vassal, Narsingh Dev of Kherlā but was twice defeated. However, Ahmad did not help his vassal in time. Narsingh Dev was defeated and Hoś ang prepared to march on Kherlā . Hoś ang who had about 17,000 cavalry fell on the Bahamanis but Ahmad Shah with picked troops fell upon Hoś ang's rear and the army of Mā lvā was completely routed2. Hoś ang ran away from the field of battle and Ahmad Shah returned to his capital. In 1429 Ahmad Shah transferred his capital from Gulbargā to Bidar. A few years of peace followed the conclusion of this war. But in 1433 Hoś anig again attacked Kherlā , killed Narsingh Dev and annexed Kherlā to his kingdom. Ahmad Shah marched into Berā r to counter Hoś ang Shā h but Nasir Khā n, the ruler of Khā ndeś , intervened and brought about a compromise3. The attack of Mā lvā was the consequence of the weakened power of the Bahamanis due to their protracted war with Gujarat. One of the terms of the treaty allowed the retention of Berā r by Ahmad Shā h which speaks volumes for the sorry plight to which the Bahamanis were reduced and the domineering position that Hoś ang of Mā lvā had obtained in relation to the Bahamanis4.
Ahmad Shah I died in 1435. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Alā -ud-din Ahmad Shā h II, who had married the daughter of Nasir Khā n, the Sultan of Khā ndeś . This lady complained to her father that her husband was neglecting her for another favourite. Nasir Khā n prepared to invade his son-in-law's dominions. In this adventure he joined hands with Ahmad Shah of Gujarat and as a first step he began seducing the nobles of Berā r.
1. Ferishta and Sayyad Ali as well do not mention the name of the river.
2. Briggs, II, p. 408.
3. Briggs, II, pp. 415-16.
4. For details see Bahamani Rajyacha Itihas, pp. 73,76
Nasir Khā n succeeded in alienating many of the officers in Berā r to his side. Many noblemen formed a strong party in Berā r against the Bahamani king. Nasir Khā n requisitioned the help of the Gonds and Korkus. In the contest between the father-in- law and the son-in-law, the former was defeated by forces under the Bahamani general Khalā f Hasan Basri1.
In 1443 the army of Berā r was employed, with the armies of the other provinces of the kingdom, in driving Devarā yā II of Vijayanagar out of the Rā icur doab. The governor of Berā r, however, did not join the expedition2.
Invasion of Deccan by Mahmud of Mā lvā .—Alā -ud-din Ahmad II died on April 3, 1458 and was succeeded by his son Humā yun. Immediately after his accession Jalā l Khā n and Sikandar Khā n, two nobles of his court, rose in rebellion. The governor of Berā r who had visited the capital for the purpose of offering his congra- tulations to the new king was employed against the rebels. He was defeated and the rising was ultimately suppressed by Humā yun. We hear no more of Berā r during this brief and troubled reign. Humā yun Shā h died on September 4, 1461 and was succeeded by his son Nizā m Shā h, aged eight. In 1462 Mahmud Shā h of Mā lvā , taking advantage of the new king's youth, invaded the Deccan by way of western Berā r. The armies of Berā r, Daulatā bā d and Gulbargā marched to meet Mahmud Shā h. In the battle fought at Kandhā r, the Bahamani forces were defeated and Mahmud Shā h of Mā lvā sacked Bidar. Nizā m Shah's mother appealed for help to Mahmud Shā h of Gujarat. Mahmud Shā h reached the north-western frontier of the Bahamani kingdom with 80,000 horse. Mahmud Gā vā n, one of the chief nobles of the Bahamani Kingdom, joined the Gujarā tis with five or six thousand cavalry and continued to raise and borrow troops until he was able to take the field with an army of 40,000 Deccani and Gujarā ti horse. He sent 10,000 Deccani horse into Berā r to cut off the invader's retreat and marched towards Bidar with the remainder of his force. He camped between Bhir and Kandhā r, but did not risk a battle. The army of Mā lvā which was starved out retreated northwards through eastern Berā r. Mahmud Shā h of Mā lvā was pursued and harassed throughout his retreat by Mahmud Gā vā n and the ten thousand horse which had been awaiting him in Berā r. He retreated through the hills of the Melghā t but was led astray by the Korku rajas of the tract. A large part of Mā lvā army perished.
Nizā m Shā h died on July 30, 1463 and was succeeded by his brother Muhammad III, surnamed Laskari or " the soldier" .
War with Kherlā .—In 1467 Nizā m-ul-mulk, the Turk, was appointed governor of Berā r and was ordered to capture Kherlā , where a Gond prince still owed allegiance to Mā lvā . The army of Berā r marched against Kherlā and besieged it. The army of Mā lvā , which attempted to raise the siege, was signally defeated. Kherlā fell, but two Rajputs treacherously assassinated Nizā m-ul- Mulk. The two officers next in authority to Nizam-ul-Mulk were Yusuf Ā dil Khan, afterwards the founder of the Ā dil Ś ā hi dynasty of Bijā pū r, and Darya Khā n, the Turk. Yusuf and Darya left a force to hold Kherlā and returned to Bidar with the body of their late leader. Muhammad Shah approved of their action and bestowed Kherlā upon them in jā gir. Mahmud Shā h of Mā lvā now sent an embassy to Muhammad Shah and remind- ed him of the treaty between Ahmad Shah Bahamani and Hosang Shā h of Mā lvā , in which it was stipulated that Kherlā should belong to Mā lvā and Berā r to the Bahamanis. He besought Muhammad Shah not to be a breaker of treaties or the means of stirring up strife between Musalmans. Muhammad Shah return- ed to him a dignified reply through Ś aikh Ahmad the Sadr and Ś arif-ul-Mulk, informing him that when the affairs of the Baha-mani kingdom were in confusion after the accession of the boy- king Nizā m Shā h it was Mahmud himself who had broken faith by invading the Bahamani dominions. He, however, had no wish to deprive Mahmud Shā h of his fortresses. A new treaty was concluded whereby either sovereign bound himself by the most solemn oaths not to molest or invade the dominions of the other and Kherlā , which had been annexed to Berā r, was handed back by Muhammad Shah to the king of Mā lvā .
1. Bahamani Rajyacha Itihas, pp. 95-96.
2. Briggs, II, p. 432.
Fateh-ullā h Imā d-ul-mulk.—The governorship of Berā r seems to have remained vacant for a few years after the death of Nizā m- ul-Mulk the Turk, until in 1471, Fateh-ullā h Imā d-ul-Mulk was made governor. This amir is worthy of special notice, for he founded the Imā d Ś ā hi dynasty, which reigned in Berā r for a period of eighty years. He was a Brahman of Vijayanagar who was captured by the Musalmans in 1422, early in the reign of Ahmad Shah, and was bestowed on the Khā n-i-Jahā n, who was appointed governor of Berā r immediately after the conclusion of the campaign, and was brought up as a Musalman. He never forgot his Brahman descent or his native land. Fateh-ullā h had spent all his service, if we except temporary periods of absence in the field, in Berā r and was a very fair instance of the strength and the weakness of the provincial system of the Bahamani king- dom. He seems to have been sincerely attached to the province and to have been at the same time a faithful servant of the Bahamanis.
Berā r suffered, with the rest of the Deccan, from the terrible two years of famine in 1473 and 1474, and most of those who escaped death from starvation fled to Mā lvā and Gujarat. In the third year rain fell, but prosperity was slow to return, for there were few left to till the soil and the wanderers returned by slow degrees1.
1. Bahamani Rajyacha Itihas, p. 150.
Redistribution of provinces.—In the campaigns of Muhammad III in Orissā , Telanganā and the Peninsula, Fateh-ullā h, with the army of Berā r, bore a share. In 1480, before these campaigns had been brought to a close, the four provinces into which the Deccan had been divided by Bahaman Shā h were sub-divided into eight. Berā r was divided into the two new provinces of northern Berā r named Gā vil and southern Berā r named Mā hur1 wherein the whole of the Parbhanī district was included. Fateh-ullā h Imā d-ul-Mulk was appointed the governor of Gā vil while Khudā - vand Khan the African was made governor of Mā hur. At the same time the powers of the provincial governors were much curtailed. Many parganā s of the provinces were made khā s and were administered by officers appointed direct by the crown, while the governors were allowed to appoint a commandant only to the chief fort in each province, all other commandants of forts being appointed direct by the king. These belated reforms caused much dissatisfaction among some of the tarafdā rs, but the faithful Fateh-ullā h, though stripped of half his province, seems to have taken no exception to them. The malcontents, however, entered into a conspiracy against Mahmud Gā vā n, the author of the reforms, and compassed his death on April 5, 1481. Muham- mad III who was their dupe discovered his minister's innocence when it was too late and bitterly repented his action. Fateh- ullā h Imad-ul-Mulk and Khudā vand Khā n, with the troops of Berā r, left the royal camp and encamped at a distance of two leagues from it. When asked the reason for this move, Fateh- ullā h boldly replied that when so old and faithful a servant as Mahmud Gā vā n could be murdered on the lying reports of false- witnesses, nobody within the king's reach was safe. The king, now smitten with remorse, sent a secret message imploring them to return that he might take counsel with them regarding the punishment of those who had brought Khwā jā Mahmud to his death, but Fateh-ullā h and Khudā vand Khan replied that they would shape their conduct on that of Yusuf Ā dil Khan, who was then absent on a distant expedition. Yusuf was at once recalled and joined Fateh-ullā h and Khudā vand Khā n. The three tarafdā rs then entered the royal camp and made their demands. They did not succeed in bringing the ringleaders of the conspiracy to punishment, but Yusuf obtained the province of Bijā pū r, which enabled him to make provision for the followers of the deceased minister. Shortly after this the tarafdā rs were dismissed to their provinces2.
Disaffection of tarafdā rs of Berā r—Fateh-ullā h and Khudā vand Khan were recalled from Berā r shortly afterwards in order that they might attend Muhammad III on a progress through the province of Bijā pū r. They obeyed the summons, but both on the march and in camp they placed a distance between them- selves and the royal camp. In this manner the armies reached Belgā nv, whence the tarafdā rs were ordered to accompany the king to Goa and the Konkan, which they refused to do. Yusuf Ā dil Khan, however, marched to the aid of Goa, then besieged by Rā jaś ekhara of Vijayanagar, while Muhammad III marched to Firozā bā d. Fateh-ullā h and Khudā vand Khan refused to accompany him any further, and returned to Berā r without leave. Muhammad in spite of his displeasure dared not resent it as any action on his part would have resulted in a civil war, that would have hastened the disruption of his kingdom.
1. Haig, p. 419.
2. Bahamani Rajyacha Itihas, f.n. pp. 166-67.
Accession of Mahmud Shā h.—Muhammad Shah died on March 2, 1483. He was succeeded by his son, Mahmud Shā h, a boy of twelve ; all power in the capital was held by Malik Hasan Nizā m- ul-Mulk. Fateh-ullā h Imā d-ul-Mulk was made titular minister of the kingdom, his son Ś aikh Alā -ud-din being appointed his deputy in northern Berā r, but being disgusted with the intrigues in the capital he returned to Ellicpū r without having exercised the duties of his post at the capital1.
Malik Hasan Nizā m-ul-Mulk (the vazir) was assassinated before 1485, and affairs in Bidar went from bad to worse. The young king's conduct was not above reproach and the administration passed into the hands of Kā sim Barid, a Turk. The tarafdā rs naturally ignored messages from the capital and were practically independent. The splendour of the nominal ruler was utterly eclipsed.
Imā dś ā hi.
In 1490 Malik Ahmad, the son of Malik Hasan Nizā m-ul-Mulk of Ahmadnagar, Yusuf Ā dil Khan of Bijā pū r and Fateh-ullā h Imā d-ul-Mulk of Gā vil declared their independence2.
1. Briggs, II, p. 528.
2. Dr. Kunte, Ahmadnagarachi Nizamshahi (1963), p. 25 f.n.
The supremacy of Kā sim Barid in the capital had, however, convinced Fateh-ullā h of the necessity for some decisive step and the veteran statesman had already prepared himself for possible opposition by improving the defences of Gā vilgad and Narnā lā .
Although Fateh-ullā h had declared himself independent, he 1 still regarded himself, to some extent, as a vassal of the Bahamani king. In 1494 he responded to his old master's call to punish a rebel named Bahadur Gilā ni on the western coast along with Yusuf Ā dil Shā h and Ahmad Nizā m Shā h. But the aid thus rendered differed from the submissive attendance of the tarā fddrs, as the Sultans did not attend in person but sent contingents to serve in the campaigns.
Combination against Bijā pū r.—In 1504 Yusuf Ā dil Shah, who was a Ś iā h, had the khutbā read in the mosques of the Bijā pū r kingdom after the Ś iā h fashion. Amir Barid who had succeeded his father, Kā sim Barid, in that same year sent notices in Mahmud Shah's name to Fateh-ullā h Imā d Shā h, Khudā vand Khan of Mā hur, and Sultā n Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk, who had been appointed governor of Telanganā and had established himself at Golcondā , asking them to combine to stamp out the heresy. Sultan Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk though himself a Ś iā h responded to it at once thinking Yusuf Ā dil Shā h's act as a declaration of opposition to Bahamani traditions. Fateh-ullā h Imā d Shā h and Khudā vand Khan on the other hand, though both were professed Sunnis, showed very clearly their disinclination to act against their old ally, and excused themselves. Amir Barid applied to Ahmad. Nizā m Shā h for aid which was promptly rendered. Subsequently Amir Barid with Mahmud Shā h, Sultā n Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk, Ahmad Nizā m Shā h, and Fakhr-ul-Mulk (the Deccani), marched against Yusuf Ā dil Shā h, who, finding that his external foes and the Sunnis in his own kingdom were too strong for him, made his way, with 5,000 horse, to the territories of his old friend Fateh- ullā h Imā d Shā h, closely pursued by the allies who followed him almost to the gates of Gā vilgad. Fateh-ullā h was again greatly perplexed. He would not give up the refugee, he would not figbt tor the Ś iā h religion, and in no circumstances would he draw the sword against the Bahamani king. He, therefore, despatched Yusuf Ā dil Shā h to Dā ud Khā n of Khā ndeś , while he proceeded to make terms with the invaders of Berā r. He impressed upon them that it was not with a view to uphold the Sunni religion that Amir Barid had taken up arms but in reality he wanted the possession of Bijā pū r. This entirely correct view of the situation impressed itself on Ahmad Nizam Shah and Qutb-ul-Mulk, who at once returned to their provinces without even going through the formality of bidding Mahmud Shā h farewell. The Sultan of . Berā r was now free to deal with the Sultan of Bidar. He repre- sented to Mahmud that there was nothing to be gained by prosecuting the war and that the wisest course was to proclaim that Yusuf was pardoned and to return to Bidar. Mahmud Shā h was inclined to accept this counsel, but Amir Barid did not intend to let Bijā pū r slip through his fingers so easily and was about to carry Mahmud off to besiege Bijā pū r but meanwhile Yusuf Ā dil Shah had heard of the retreat of Ahmad Nizam Shah and Qutb- ul-Mulk and returned with all haste from Burhā npū r to Gā vilgad. He now took the field against Mahmud Shā h or rather against Amir Barid, who, perceiving that he was no match for Yusuf and Fateh-ullā h in combination, hurriedly retreated to Bidar, leaving Berā r in peace.
Death of Fateh-ullā h Imā d Shā h.—Fateh-ullā h Imā d Shā h died in 1510 and was succeeded by his son Alā -ud-din Imā d Shā h1.
In 1508 Burhā n Nizā m Shā h succeeded his father Ahmad in Ahmadnagar at the age of seven2. The Deccanis and the foreigners at his court struggled for power. The Deccan is were headed by Mukammal Khan who had been Ahmad's minister.
1. The early part of Ala-ud-din's reign is obscure. According to one authority he quietly succeeded his father but according to another he was prisoner in the fort of Ramgiri in Telangana at the time of his father's death, in the power of Amir Barid and remained in captivity until he was rescued by one of the sons of the Khudawand Khan of Mahur. On his release Ala-ud-din is said to have proceeded at once to Gavilgad and to have assumed the goverment of his father's kingdom, while Mahmud Shah Bahamani, at the request of Yusuf Adil Shah, conferred upon him his father's title of Imad-ul-mulk, This story is improbable. In the first place the dates are all wrong, for Fateh-ullah is represented as having died before 1500, where as he was certainly alive in 1504, and in the second place it is highly improbable that Fateh-ullah who had, as we have seen great power and influence in the Deccan would have left his son, his only son so far as we know in the hands of his greatest enemy, 'the of the Deccan.' The more probable story is that which represents alla-ud-din Imad Shah as quietly succeeding his father in Ellichpur.
2. Ahmadnagrachi Nizamshahi, p. 37 f.n.
The foreigners, i.e., the Persian and Turki soldiers conspired to overthrow the Deccanis, and on the failure of their plot fled from Ahmadnagar with 8,000 horse and took refuge with Alā -ud-din Imā d Shā h in Ellicpū r. They convinced Imā d Shā h that it was the proper time for the invasion of Ahmadnagar. Alā -ud-din, consenting to the proposal, collected his troops from Gā vilgad and Ellicpū r and marched for the frontier. Mukammal Khā n was prepared and met him. After a severely contested battle victory declared itself for Ahmadnagar, and Alā -ud-din with the army of Berā r fled to Ellicpū r. The army of Ahmadnagar followed up its victory and laid waste the greater part of south-western Berā r. Alā -ud-din deserted his country and fled to Burhā npur. The ruler of Khā ndeś , Ā dil Khā n III. brought about a peace between the contending parties but quarrels soon broke out afresh.
Affair of Pā thri—Burhā n Nizā m Shā h's grandfather, Malik Hasan Niā zm ul-Mulk, was descended of a Brā hman family which had held the hereditary office of Kulkarni or patvā ri1 in Pā thrī in Parbhanī district. For some reason or another, pro- bably due to the proselytizing zeal of one of the Bahamani kings, the ancestor of Hasan had fled from Pā thrī and taken refuge in the Hindu kingdom of Vijayanagar. Malik Hasan, whose original name was Timā Bhat, had been captured like Fateh-ullā h Imā d-ul-Mulk, in one of the campaigns against Vijayanagar and brought up as a Muslim. When he attained to power and the governorship of a province in the border of which his ancestral home was situated, his relatives flocked to Ahmadnagar and urged his son, Ahmad Nizā m Shā h, to include in his dominions the town of Pā thrī , which lay on the southern border of Berā r. Mukammal Khan wrote, by command of Burhā n Nizā m Shā h, proposing that Alā -ud-din Imā d Shā h should cede Pā thrī to Ahmadnagar in exchange for a richer parganā . Alā -ud-din refused to listen to this proposal and began to fortify Pā thrī . Mukammal Khā n then complained that the establishment of a military post so close to the frontier would give rise to depreda- tions on the part of the more lawless members of the garrison and consequent hostilities between Ahmadnagar and Berā r. Alā - ud-din paid no heed to the protest, constructed the fort and returned to Ellicpū r. In 1518 Mukammal Khā n, under the pre- tence that Burhā n Nizā m Shā h wished to enjoy the cool air of the hills above Daulatā bā d and visit the caves of Ellorā , collected a large army and marched in a leisurely way to Daulatabā d, whence he made a sudden forced march on Pā thrī . The town was taken by escalade and the army of Ahmadnagar possessed itself of the whole parganā . Burhā n having attained his object returned to his capital leaving. Miyā n Muhammad Ghori, an officer who had greatly distinguished himself in the assault, to govern the parganā with the title of Kā mil Khā n2. Alā -ud-din Imā d Shā h was not strong enough to resent this aggression at the time and though it rankled in his memory he suffered himself to be cajoled six years later by Mullā Haidar Astrā bā di, an envoy from Ahmadnagar, into an alliance with Burhā n Nizā m Shā h, who was then engaged in an acrimonious dispute with Ismail Ā dil Shā h, regarding the possession of the fortress of Ś olā pū r1. In 1525 a battle was fought at Ś olā pū r and Alā -ud-din, whose army was opposed to a wing of the Bijā pū r's commanded by Asad Khā n of Belgā nv, was utterly defeated and withdrew by rapid marches and in great disorder to Gā vilgad, forsaking his ally. Burhā n Nizā m Shā h was defeated and forced to retreat to Ahmadnagar.
1. In this case probably the Deshpande watan of pargana.
2. Ahmadnagrachi Nizamshahi, pp. 47-48.
War with Ahmadnagar and Bidar.—Alā -ud-din Imā d Shā h now perceived his error in allying himself with Burhā n and Ismā il Adil Shā h, anxious to weaken Ahmadnagar as much as possible, per- suaded Sultan Quli Qutb Shā h in 1527 to aid Alā -ud-din in recovering Pā thrī 2. The allies succeeded in wresting Pā thrī for a time from Burhā n but he entered into an alliance with Amir Barid of Bidar and marched from Ahmadnagar to Pā thrī , the fortifications of which place, in the course of a cannonade of two month's duration, he succeeded in destroying. The place fell again into his hands and once more the parganā was annexed to Ahmadnagar and bestowed upon some cousins of Burhā n Nizā m Shah who adhered to the faith of their fathers. Burhā n was not disposed to regard the recapture of Pā thrī as a sufficient punishment for Alā -ud-din, and having captured Mā hur occupied southern Berā r of which Parbhanī district formed a part. He now turned his eyes towards Ellicpū r and formed the design of annexing the whole of Berā r to his kingdom. Alā -ud-din, who had been deserted by Sultā n Quli Qutb Shā h, was in no position to face the allied armies of Ahmadnagar and Bidar. He, therefore, fled from Ellicpū r to Burhā npur and sought assistance from Mirā n Muhammad Shā h of Khā ndeś . Mirā n Muhammad responded to the appeal and marched with his unfortunate ally into Berā r. The armies of Berā r and Khā ndeś met the allied armies of Ahmadnagar and Bidar in battle and were utterly defeated. We are not told where this battle was fought but it was probably not far south of Ellicpū r, towards which place the invaders had marched from Mā hur, and may have been in the immediate neighbourhood of the town. Burhā n Nizā m Shā h now held practically the whole of Berā r and captured 300 elephants and the whole of Alā -ud-din's artillery and stores. Alā - ud-din and Mirā n Muhammad Shah fled to Burhā npur and thence sent a message to Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, imploring his assistance. Bahā dur Shā h snatched at the opportunity of interfering in the affairs of the Deccan and in 1528 sent a large army by way of Nandurbā r and Sultā npū r towards Ahmadnagar and also entered Berā r. Burhā n Nizā m Shā h was much perturbed by the appearance of this formidable adversary on the scene. He made a wild appeal for help to Bā bar, and more reasonable appeals to Sultā n Quli Qutb Shā h of Golcondā and Ismā il Ā dil Shā h of Bijā pū r*. The former professed himself unable to send assistance hut Ismail sent 6,000 picked horse and much treasure. Bahadur Shah entered Berā r on the pretext of restoring Pā thrī , and southern Berā r to Alā -ud-din, but having seen the country he desired it for himself and made no haste to leave. This was very soon perceived by Alā -ud-din, who repented of his folly and ventured to suggest to Bahā dur Shā h that the Ahmadnagar kingdom should be the theatre of war. He promised that if Bahadur Shah would conquer that kingdom for him he would resign the kingdom of Berā r. Bahā dur Shā h accepted the offer and advanced against Burhā n Nizā m Shā h, who was now encamped on the plateau of Bhir. Amir Barid fell upon the advancing foes and slew two or three thousand of the Gujarā tis. This enraged Bahadur Shah, who sent 20,000 horse against Amir Barid. The battle soon became general and the Deccanis were defeated and fled to Parendā . Being pursued thither they again fled to Junnar, while Bahadur Shah occupied Ahmadnagar. Here he remained until supplies, which the Deccanis cut off, became scarce. He then marched to Daulatā bā d and left Alā -ud-din Imā d Shā h and the amirs of Gujarat to besiege that fortress while he encamped on the plateau above it. Burhā n Nizā m Shā h now made a fervent appeal to Ismail Ā dil Shā h for further assistance. Ismā il replied with expressions of goodwill, sent five hundred of his most efficient cavalry and expressed regret that the hostile attitude of the rā jā of Vijayanagar prevented him from leaving his capital. Burhā n wanted the prestige of Ismail's presence with his army, not a regiment of cavalry. In the circumstances he did the best he could, collected all the troops that could be raised between, Junnar and Ahmadnagar and ascended into the Daulaā abā d plateau. Here a battle was precipitated by the incautious valour of Amir Barid, and although the issue hung for some time in the balance, the Deccanis were again defeated. The problem now was not an equitable decision of the dispute between the kings of Berā r and Ahmadnagar but the expulsion of an inconvenient intruder who was strong enough to upset entirely the balance of power in the Deccan. Burhā n Nizā m Shā h opened negotiations with Alā -ud-din Imā d Shā h and professed himself ready to restore all that had been captured by him. Alā -ud-din and Mirā n Muhammad Shah were now as apprehensive as their former enemies of Bahadur Shah's intentions and approached Khudā vand Khan, the latter's minister, with a request that his master would leave the Deccan. Khudā vand Khā n replied that Bahā dur Shā h had not come uninvited, and that if the Sultā ns of the Deccan composed their differences all would be well. The intimation was sufficient. Alā -ud-din Imā d Shā h sent his surplus supply of grain to the defenders of Daulatā bā d and returned to Ellicpū r. Bahā dur Shā h and Mirā n Muhammad Shā h decided that they would do well to return to their capitals before the rains rendered both the country and the rivers impassable. They retreated after stipulating that the boundaries of Berā r and Ahmadnagar should remain in status quo ante bellum, that the Khutbā should be read in both kingdoms in the name of Bahā dur Shah and that both Alā -ud-din and Burhā n should pay a war indemnity. Mirā n Muhammad Shā h, after his return to Burhā npū r called upon Burhā n Nizā m Shā h to fulfil his obligations by restoring to Alā - ud-din Pā rthri and Mā hur and all the elephants and other booty which had been captured near Ellicpū r. Burhan’s reply to this message was to return to Mirā n Muhammad some elephants which had been captured from him, on receiving which Mirā n Muhammad desisted from urging on Burhan the fulfilment of his compact with Alā -ud-din.
1. Briggs, III.
2. Briggs, III p. 217.
* Briggs, III, p. 218.
War with Golcondā -This was not the last campaign in which the war-like but unfortunate Alā -ud-din was engaged. Sultā n Quli Qutb Shā h of Golconda was troubled by a Turk named Qiyā m-ul-Mulk the governor of eastern Telanganā who resisted Sultan Quli’s claims to dominion over that tract1. He maintained a guerilla warfare for years, and received encouragement from Bidar and perhaps from Berā r also, until he was defeated by Sultā n Quli at Yegandal when he fled and took refuge with Alā - ud-din Imā d Shā h in Berā r. Sultā n Quli sent an envoy to Berā r to demand the delivery of the fugitive and also the restoration of certain districts of south-eastern Berā r which in the time of the Bahamanis had belonged to Telanganā . On Alā -ud-din’s refusal to satisfy these demands Sultan Quli marched northwards and Alā -ud-din marched from Ellicpur to meet him. A battle was fought near Ramgiri and the Beraris were utterly defeated. Ala ud-din fled to Ellicpū r and Sultā n Quli possessed himself of the disputed territory and returned to Golcondā . Unfortunately the date of these operations is not given, but it appears probable that they took place after the departure of Bhā dur Shā h of Gujarā t form the Deccan. The date of the death of Alā -ud-din Imā d Shah is not certain, but he probably died in 1529 and was succeed- ed by his Daryā Imā d Shā h2.
Daryā Imā d Shā h-The early years of Daryā Imā d Shā h’s reign were uneventful and his kingdom enjoyed a much needed rest. In 1554 Husain Nizā m Shā h succeeded to the throne of Ahmadnagar3. His younger brother, Abdul Kā dir, was induced to make a fight for the throne but was overcome and took refuge with Darya Imad Shah, under whose protection he remained until his death. Shortly after Miran Abdul Kadir’s flight, Saif Ain-ul- Mulk, who has espoused the cause of Abdul Kā dir, became apprehensive lest Hussain Nizā m Shā h should punish him for his defection, and fled to Ellicpū r. Where he took refuge with Daryā Imā d Shā h. He did no remain long in Berar but took service plots to dethrone Husian Nizā m Shā h. Ibrā him’s interference brought about a war between Bijā pur and Ahmadnagar and Husain sent a Brā hman envoy named Viś vā s Rā v to Daryā Imā d Shā h to ask him for aid. Daryā sent 7,000 cavalry to his neighbors’, assistance and Husain then advanced to Solā pū r, which place Ibrā him was besieging. In the battle which ensued, the armies of Ahmadnagar and Berā r were on the point of fleeing when Ibrā him Ā dil Shā h was attacked by doubts of the loyalty of Saif Ain-ul-Mulk, who commanded a large body of his cavalry, and suddenly returned to Bijā pū r, leaving the allies in possession of the field. Husian then returned to Ahmadnagar and sent the cavalry of Berā r back to Ellicpū r.
1. Briggs II, p. 527.
2. Briggs III, p. 489.
3. Ahmadnagrachi Nizamshahi, p. 106.
Alliance with Ahmadnagar-After the death of Ibrā him Ā dil Shaā h I in 1558, Husian Nizā m Shā h persuaded Ibrā him Qutb | Shā h of Golcondā to join him in an attempt to capture Gulbargā and the eastern districts of the Bijā pū r kingdom. The attempt failed owing to Ibrā him Qutb Shā h’s distrust of his ally, and Ali Ā dil Shā h, who had succeeded to the throne of Bijā pū r, resolved to revenge himself on Husain Nizā m Shā h, who sought strength in an alliance with Daryā Imā d Shā h. In 1558 the kings of Berā r and Ahmadnagar met at Sonpet on the Godā cari where Daulat Shā h Begam, Daryā ’s daughter1, was married to Husain, Sonpet receiving the name of Iś ratā bā d in honour of the event.
Invasion of Ahmadnagar-Meanwhile Ali Ā li Shā h had formed an alliance with Ibrā him Qutb Shā h and Sadā ś ivarā yā of Vijayanagar and in 1560 these allies invaded the dominions of Ahmadnagar. Husian Nizā m Shā h’s trust lay in Ali Barid Shā h of Bidar, Daryā Imā d Shā h of Berā r, and Mirā n Mubā rak II of Khā ndeś . Unfortunately for him influences had been at work to break up this alliance. The Khā n-i-Jahā n, brother of Ali Barid Shā h, was friendly with Ali Ā dil Shā h and had entered the service of Daryā Imā d Shā h, whom he dissuaded from joining Husian Nizā m Shā h. He then led an army of 5,000 cavalry and infantry from Berā r into the Ahmadnagar kingdom and laid waste those northern tracks which lay out of the way of the more powerful invaders from the south. Against this force Husain Nizā m Shā h sent nearly 3,000 horse under Mullā Muhammad Niś aburi2. The army of Berā r was utterly defeated and the Khā n-Jahā n, ashamed to return to Berā r, joined the army Ali Adil Shā h. Jahā ngir Khā n the Deccani now became commander-in-chief of the army of Berā r,and had an easier task than his predecessor, for by this time the members of the southern alliance has closed round Ahmadnagar and left Daryā Imā d Shā h’s army little occupation but that of plundering a defenceless country. The allies, however, quarreled. Ibrā him Qutb Shā h, who has gradually been drawn into sympathy with Husian Nizā m Shā h, withdrew rapidly and secretly to Golcondā , leaving behind him a small force which joined. Husain. Jahā ngir Khā n with the army of Berā r also went over to Husain who was enabled by this accession of strength, to cut off the supplies of Ali Ā dil Shā h and Sadā ś ivarā yā , who were besieging Ahmadnagar. Sadā ś ivarā yā , who perceived that he had been drawn by Ali Ā dil Shā h into no easy undertaking, was now in a mood to entertain proposals of peace, and when Husain Nizā m. Shah sued for peace he agreed to retire on three conditions, one of which was that Jahā ngir Khan, whose activity in intercepting the supplies of the besiegers had caused much suffering among them, should be put to death. Husain was base enough to comply and the commander of the army of Berā r was assassinated. Fortunately for Husain his father- in-law was either too weak or too poor spirited to resent this act of gross ingratitude, and the kingdom of Ahmadnagar was, by these shameful means, freed of its invaders. Darya Imā d Shā h did not survive long his disgraceful acquiescence in his servant's death. He died in 1561 and was succeeded by his son, Burhā n Imā d Shā h.
1. Ahmadnagrachi Nizamshahi, p. 119.
2. Briggs, III, p. 240.
Burhā n Imā d Shā h.—We have no certain information of the age of Burhā n when he succeeded his father. He is described as a boy or a young man, but he was not too young to resent the murder of Jahā ngir Khā n* for when Husain Nizā m Shah and Ibrahim Qutb Shā h invaded the territory of Bijā pū r in 1562 and Ali Ā dil Shah and Sadā ś ivaraya of Vijayanagar marched against them, Burhā n not only refused to respond to Husain's appeal for assist- ance but prevented Ali Barid Shā h of Bidar from joining him. Husain Shah then abandoned the siege of Kalyā ni, in which he was engaged, and sent his ladies and heavy baggage to Ausā . The kings of Ahmadnagar and Golcondā now found themselves opposed by Ali Ā dil Shā h of Bijā pū r, Sadā ś ivarā yā of Vijayanagar, Ali Barid Shā h of Bidar, and Burhā n Imā d Shah of Berā r, and advanced to meet them, halting within twelve miles of their camp. On the following day Husain and Ibrahim advanced against the enemy, the former making for the camp of Sadā ś ivarā yā and the latter that of Ali Ā dil Shā h. Ali Barid Shā h, and Burhā n, Imā d Shā h his objective. When they were well on their way heavy rain fell, and Husain's artillery and elephants stuck fast in the mire. Any further advance was out of question, and Husain returned to his camp with only forty out of seven hundred guns. Meanwhile Murtazā Khā n, with the Marā tha officers of Bijā pū r, had been sent by Ali Ā dil Shā h to warn the allies to prepare for battle. On his way he came upon the abandoned guns of Husain Nizā m Shā h, and learnt that Husain had returned to his camp. Murtazā informed his master of what he had found and Ali Ā dil Shā h and Sadā ś ivarā yā sent troops to take possession of the guns. After securing the guns these troops fell in with the forces of Ibrā him Qutb Shā h, attacked them, and defeated them. Ibrā him re-formed his beaten army in rear of Husain Nizā m Shā h's camp and made a stand which enabled Husain Nizā m Shah to come to his aid. The troops of Bijā pū r and Vijayanagar were repulsed, but Husain Nizā m Shā h was much dispirited by the result of the day's fighting and by Ibrā him's failure, and on the following day, when the armies of Bijā pū r, Vijayanagar, Berā r and Bidar advanced to attack, he and Ibrā him Qutb Shā h fled in the direction of Ahmadnagar, leaving their camps in the hands of the enemy. At Ausā they separated, Ibrā him returning to Golcondā , while Husain retired to his capital, followed by the allies. Husain did not venture to defend his capital but having provisioned the fortress, fled onwards to Junnar.1 The allies sat down to besiege Ahmadnagar. Ali Ā dil Shā h, however, persuaded Sadā ś ivarā yā to leave Ahmadnagar and to pursue Husan Nizā m Shā h to Junnar, but before the allies left Ahmadnagar Burhā n Imā d Shā h and Ali Barid Shā h, retired to their own kingdoms. On Burhā n’s return to Berā r he was seized and imprisoned in Narnā lā by Tufā l Khā n, the Deccani, one of his own amirs, who henceforth exercised regal functions in Berā r2. Tufā l Khā n refused to join the confederacy of the Muhammedan Sultā ns of the Deccan which was formed in 1564 for the purpose over throwing the power of Vijayanagar and Berā r had, therefore, no share in the victory of Talikota. This refusal, whatever the motive may have been, brought much trouble and suffering to Berā r.
* Briggs, III, p. 243.
1 See Ahmadnagrachi Nizamshahi, p. 124. f.n.
2 Ahmadnagrachi Nizamshahi, p. 109.
3. Ahmadnagrachi Nizamshahi, pp. 160-64.
Invasion of Berā r.-On June 6, 1565, Husain Nizā m Shā h died and was succeeded in Ahmadnagar by his son, Murtazā Nizā m Shā h I, who persuaded Ali Ā dil Shā h to join him in invading Berā r in order to punish Tufā l Khā n for his refusal to join the league against Vijayanagar. The allies invaded the kingdom from the south and south-west and devastated it as far north as Ellicpū r, destroying all standing crops. They remained in Berā r, wasting the country and slaughtering its inhabitants until the approach of the rainy season, when Tufā l Khā n approached Ali Ā dil Shā h with an enormous quantity of treasure and besought him to use his influence to induce Murtazā to retire. Ali under- took the task and succeeded in persuading Murtazā , on the pretext that the rains would render marching and campaigning on the black cotton soil of Berā r a difficult task, to retire to Ahmadnagar, while he himself returned to Bijā pū r.
Nizā ms of Ahmadnagar.
The unfortunate little kingdom was not, however, destined to enjoy a long rest. In 1572 Gangiz Khā n, Murtazā Nizā m Shā h's minister, brought about a meeting between his master and Ali Ā dil Shā h at which the two kings entered into a treaty under the terms of which Murtazā was to be allowed to annex Berā r and Bidar without hindrance from Bijā pū r while Ali was to be allowed to appropriate so much of the dismembered kingdom of Vijayanagar as should be equal in revenue to those two kingdoms. Ibrā him Qutb Shā h was left out of the arrangement. In the same year Murtazā Nizā m Shā h, in pursuance of the treaty, encamped at Pathrl and prepared to invade Berā r. A pretext was not wanting. He sent Mullā Haidar to Tufā l Khā n to call him to account for keeping Burhā n Imā d Shā h in confinement. Tufā l Khā n was ordered to release his king, to be obedient to him in all things, and to refrain from interfering; in the government of Berā r. The letter concluded with a threat that disobedience would entail punishment and with three couplets warning Tufā l Khā n against undertaking a task which was beyond his power. Tufā l Khā n was much alarmed by this message and took counsel of his son. The solicitude for Burhā n Imā d Shā h, he said, was a nere pretence, and Murtazā 's object was the annexation of Berar to Ahmadnagar. He bade his father take heart, assuring him that the resources of Berar were equal to those of Ahmadnagar, which was not the case, and advised him to send Murtazā 's envoy back unanswered. Murtazā , as soon as he heard of Mullā Hudar's dismissal, marched from Pā thrī towards Ellicpū r, and Ś amś ir-ul-Mulk, who commanded the advance guard of the army of Berā r, marched to meet him. When the army of Murtazā had reached Pā thrī all the inhabitants of that town and the disaict surrounding it, from fear of the troops, left their dwellings and fled and took refuge in the distant hills of the Bā lā ghā t. Since, however, Murtazā 's object was the annexation and not the devastation of Berar, Cangiz Khā n reassured the inhabitants of Pā thrī , holding out to them hopes of the royal favour and clemency, and issued to them a written guarantee which so reassured them that all hastened to make their submission; and pay heir respects at the royal court, where they received marks of the royal favour and were thus enabled to return to their fields and heir dwellings and to follow their usual avocations. The civil officers, in accordance with the royal commands, apportioned the whole of the Pā thrī district in jā gir to the officers of the army. The site of the battle is, unfortunately, not recorded, but the armies must have met either in the Amrā vatī district or the Akolā district. Ś amś ir-ul-Mulk fell upon the advance guard of the army of Ahmadnagar and defeated it. Carigiz Khā n threw forward reinforcements and Ś amś ir-ul-Mulk called upon his father for support. Tufā l Khā n at once marched to support his son and Cangiz Khā n, being apprised of the approach of the main body of the army of Berar, sent forward Khudā vand Khan, Jamś i'i Khā n, Bahri Khā n, Rustam Khā n, and Candā Khā n to the support of the African amirs of Ahmadnagar, on whom the brunt of the fighting was falling, and followed them in person with Murtazā 's guards and three thousand mounted foreign archers, who were evidently regarded as the flower of the army of Ahmadnagar. The battle soon became general. Cangiz Khā n, who had as his body-guard five hundred of his own followers, spared no efforts to win the day. With his own hand he cut down Tuifā l Khā n's standard bearer, and the army of Berar was routed. Tufā l Khā n and his son fled to Ellicpū r and Cangiz Khā n returned with 270 captured elephants to the camp of Murtazā Nizā m Shah, who no longer made any attempt to conceal the real object of his enterprise. He did not hasten in pursuir of his defeated enemy or attempt to gather at once the fruits of victory, put remained in his camp and issued farmā ns to all the Hindu revenue officials of Berar informing them that they had nothing tofear, and that if they would tender their allegiance to him they would find him a lenient and sympathetic master.* The descendant of a line of Brahman, patvā ris knew with whom he had to deal. The hereditary Hindu officials cared little for Burhā n, Tufā l, or Murtazā but much for the blessings of peace, and they were not slow to perceive which was the stronger side. They hastened to the camp of the invader, where they were received with honour and whence they were dismissed with rewards and promises. Murtazā Nizā m Shah, having thus made sure his foothold, advanced on Ellicpū r, whereupon Tufā l Khā n and Ś amś ir-ul-Mulk, whose power had been so utterly broken in the field that the respite afforded to them by Murtazā 's delay had profited them nothing, fled into the Melghā t. Through the hills and jungles of this tract they were pursued for six months at the end of which time they found themselves hemmed in by the forces of Ahmadnagar in a position whence no outlet was apparent. The invader refrained from pressing his advantage and Tufā l Khan succeeded in extricating himself and escaped to Burhā npū r. Murtazā , having pursued him as far as the Tā pī , sent a letter to Mirā n Muhammad Shah T.I, king of Khā ndeś , threatening to invade his country if the fugitives were harboured. Mirā n Muhammad sent the letter, without comment, to Tufā l Khā n, who at once understood that he could find no asylum in Khā ndeś and returned by an unfrequented road to Befā r. At the same time he sent a letter to Akbar, then seated on the throne of Delhi, saying that he regarded himself as one of the emperor's soldiers and Berā r as a province of the empire, which had been invaded by the Deccanis. He sought, he said, the appointment of warden of the marches and asked for assistance, promising to surrender Berar to Akbar's officers when they should arrive. Akbar was not at this time prepared to undertake an expedition to the Deccan and no immediate answer was returned to Tufā l Khā n's effusion. Meanwhile both Tufā l Khā n and his son Ś amś ir-ul-Mulk, now separated, were hard pressed by Murtazā and were fain to seek the protection afforded by stone walls. Tufā l Khā n shut himself up in Narnā lā while Ś amś ir-ul-Mulk sought refuge in Gā vilgad, and Murtazā Nizā m Shā h laid siege to Narnā lā . Meanwhile Tufā l Khā n's letter had reached Akbar's camp in Gujarat and one of the emperor's amirs wrote to Murtazā Nizā m Shah saying that Tufā l Khā n, having submitted to the emperor, was one of his vassals and that Murtazā would do well to desist from harassing him, and that Berā r, which was a province of the empire, should be evacuated at once. This absurdly bombastic message was treated with the contempt which it deserved, and both Narnā lā and Gā vilgad were closely besieged. The former fell before the end of the year, and Tufā l Khā n and Burhā n Imā d Shā h fell into Murtazā 's hands. Ś amś ir-ul-Mulk on hearing of the fall of Narnā lā and the capture of his father surrendered Gā vilgad to Murtazā 's officers on condition that his life should be spared. Murtazā Nizā m Shah sent Burhā n Imā d Shā h, Tufā l Khā n, Ś amś ir-ul-Mulk and all their relatives and attendants, to the number of about forty souls, to a fortress in the Ahmadnagar kingdom where, after a short time, they all perished.1 Thus the Imā d Shā hi dynasty was utterly extinguished in 1572 and Berā r. became a province of the Nizam Shā hi kingdom of Ahmadnagar2 Murtazā now prepared to march against Bidar and while he was thus employed, affairs in Berā r ook a new turn. Mirā n Muhammad II of Khā ndes seized the opportunity of harassing an inconveniently powerful neighbour and as soon as Murtazā Nizam Shah was engaged with Bidar, set up the son of Burhā n Imā d Shah's foster-mother as king of Berā r alleging that he was a son of Darya Imā d Shah and sent the pretender to the frontier of Berā r with 6,000 horse. Many adherents of the extinct family either believed the fable or were willing to adopt any pretext for maintaining the independence of Berā r, and rose in rebellion, driving the officers of Murtazā Nizam Shah from their military posts. Khudā vand Khan and Khurś id Khā n, the two officers who had been appointed to administer Berā r, sent a message to Murtazā Nizā m Shah imploring him to return. The king recalled Cangiz Khā n, who had preceded him to Bidar, despatched Sayyad Murtazā Sabzā vari with 8,000 horse to Berā r and followed him with the main body of the army. Cangiz Khā n returned from Bidar by forced marches. Mirā n Muhammad Shā h, who was hovering on the border of Berā r, ready to make a descent as soon as Murtazā Nizam Shah should be safely out of the way, was much disconcerted by his adversary's activity and fled in haste to his fortress capital of Asirgad. The army of Ahmadnagar now invaded and laid waste Khane and Asirgad was on the point of falling into their hands when Mirā n Muhammad Shah bought off Murtazā Nizam Shā h with a large sum of money. Murtazā Nizam Shah now returned to Berā r. He then returned to Ahmadnagar and in 1575 appointed Sayyad Murtazā Sabzā vari Governor of Berā r. The new Governor was assisted in his adminis- tration of the province by a large number of amirs, the chief of whom were Khudā vand Khan (the muvallad), Jamś d Khā n, Bahri Khan Qizlbash, Rustam Khan (the Deccani), Caghtai Khā n (the Turkman), Tir Andā z Khan Astrā bā di, Sir Khan Tarś izi, Husain Khā n Tuni, Candā Khā n (the Deccani) and Dastur (the eunuch).
* Ahmadnagrachi Nizamshahi, p. 163.
1 Briggs, III, pp. 256, 493-94.
Rumours of invasion from north3.—In 1576 it was reported that Akbar was preparing to invade the Deccan. Murtazā Nizā m Shah made a feeble and confused effort to take the field. He was better served in Berā r than he deserved. Bahrain Khan, who was commandant of Gā vilgad under Sayyad Murtazā Sabzā vari, put the fortress into a state of thorough repair. Fortunately these precautions were unnecessary, for Akbar's journey was no more than a trip from Agra to Ajmer and Ahmadnagar and Berā r were left for a time in peace. The rumour of danger from the north had, however, galvanized Murtazā Nizā m Shah into some activity, and early in 1578 Sayyad Murtazā Sabzā vari was summoned to Ahmadnagar in order that he might parade the army of Berā r before the king. This effort to secure military efficiency in thefrontier province had most unfortunate results. Murtazā Nizā m Shah's unworthy favourite Sahib Khan, a Deccani, grossly insulted one of the foreign officers of the army of Berā r, with the result that the old quarrel between the foreigners on one side and the Deccanis and the Africans on the other was renewed. The king identified himself with the Deccanis, whereupon most of the foreign officers left his service and entered that of Golcondā and Bijā pū r. In the confusion which followed, Salā bat Khā n grasped the reins of Government and Murtazā Nizā m Shah was left powerless. He attempted to recover possession of Sahib Khan and bespoke the good offices of Sayyad Murtazā Sabzā vari to this end but the Sayyad was unable and probably unwilling to save the wretch and Sahib Khan was ultimately slain by Khudā vand Khan, one of the amirs of Berā r. Salabā t Khan was now regent of Ahmadnagar and Sayyad Murtazā Sabzā vari retained the governorship of Berā r. In 1584 Salā bat Khan sent an order to Jamś id Khā n Sirā zi, who has been already mentioned as one of Sayyad Murtazā 's officers, directing him to join an embassy which was about to leave Ahmadnagar for Bijā pū r. As the order had not been countersigned by Murtazā Nizā m Shah, Jamś id Khan replied that he could not obey it without the sanction of his superior officer, Sayyad Murtazā . The latter was much annoyed by Salā bat Khan's assumption of the right to communicate an order to Jamś id direct, and refused to permit Jamś id to leave his post in Berā r. The quarrel reached such a point that Sayyad Murtazā Sabzā vari assembled the army of Berā r and marched towards Ahmadnagar with the intention of overthrowing Salā bat Khan, but the amirs at the capital interven- ed and brought about a temporary peace, and Sayyad Murtazā returned to Berā r. Towards the end of the same year the quarrel was renewed and Sayyad Murtazā of Berā r again marched on Ahmadnagar. Salā bat Khā n advanced to meet him, defeated him and pursued him through Berā r, and Sayyad Murtazā and his lieutenant fled by way of Burhā npū r to the court of Akbar.*
1. There is a discrepancy as to this date. From the detailed account of the siege of Narnala it appears that fortress did not fall until 1574, but the date of its fall is also given in a chronogram which works out to 982-1572 A.D.
2. Ahmadnagrachi Nizamshahi, pp. 172-77.
3. Ahmadnagrachi Nizamshahi, pp. 182-84.
* Ahmadnagrachi Nizamshahi, p. 235.
Moghal raid on Berā r,—Akbar now resolved to attempt the conquest of the Deccan and ordered his foster-brother, Mirzā Aziz Kokā entitled Khā n-i-Ā zam, who was then Governor of Mā lvā , to assemble the army of Mā lvā and march against Ahmadnagar. Taking Burhā n with him Salā bat Khan replied by sending 20,000 horse to Burhā npū r. The Khā n-i-Ā zam was unwilling to risk a battle, but by a rapid night march eluded the Deccanis and entered Berā r by a circuitous route. The Moghal horse plundered Ellicpū r, hastened thence to Bā lā pū r, and before the Deccanis, who had turned back from Handiā to meet them, could come up with them, retreated by way of Nandurbā r into Mā lvā . Rā jā Ali Khā n then returned to Burhā npū r and Mirzā Muhammad Taki to Ahmadnagar. Akbar did not at once pursue his project of adding the Deccan to his empire and Berā r had peace for a few years.
Accession of Ismail Nizā m Shā h.—On June 14, 1588, Murtazā Nizā m Shā h was put to death by his son Mirā n Husain. Mirā n Husain succeeded him as Husain Nizā m Shah II. Husain II was put to death after a reign of less than two months and the amirs of Ahmadnagar raised to the throne Ismail, the son of Burhā n, the brother of Murtazā Nizā m Shah who had taken refuge in the Court of Akbar. Jamā l Khā n, who had been one of Sayyad Murtazā 's lieutenants in Berā r, was now regent in Ahmadnagar. He belonged to the heretical sect of the Mahdavis. He established their religion in Ahmadnagar. The amirs of Berā r were much annoyed by the spread of the heresy and in 1589 released Salā bat Khan, who had been imprisoned by Murtazā Nizam Shah in Kherlā , and induced him to lead them against Ahmadnagar, while Ibrahim Ā dil Shā h II of Bijā pū r invaded the kingdom from the south. Jā mā l Khā n defeated the amirs of Berā r at Paithan on the Godā vari, then the southern boundary of the province, and the Bijā pū ris at Aś ti. Salā bat Khā n made his peace with Jamā l Khā n and returned to his jā gir to die.1
Burhā n's first attempt to gain his kingdom.—In 1590 the time was ripe for the invasion of Berā r and the Deccan by Akbar. The amirs of Berā r were disaffected and disgusted with the heterodox doctrines now fashionable at the court of Ahmadnagar and the elevation to the throne of the young Ismā il, the son of the emperor's protege Burhā n, furnished Akbar with a pretext for aggression. He offered Burhā n as many troops as he should consider necessary for the purpose of gaining the throne of his ancestors, now unjustly held by his son , but Burhā n had no desire to reign at Ahmadnagar as Akbar's puppet and declined the proffered aid. Akbar then bestowed upon him the parganā of Handiā in jā gir and gave him letters to Raja Ali Khā n of Khā ndeś , who was ordered to render him all the assistance in his power. Burhā n- took up his quarters at Handiā and issued letters to the principal officers and landholders of Berā r and the rest of the Ahmadnagar kingdom reminding them that he was their lawful king and exhorting them to be faithful to him. These letters were well received and Burhā n received many assurances of loyalty and offers of assistance, including one from Jā hangir Khan, the African, warden of the northern marches of Berā r. Burhā n now entered Berā r, with a small force of horse and foot which he had collected, by way of the Melghā t, but Jahā ngir Khan had repented of his promise, ana nttacked and defeated the small army, forcing Burhā n to retire to Handiā in great disorder. From Handiā he went to Burhā npū r where he sought assistance from Raja Ali Khā n who received him kindly, and only promised him aid but invoked the aid of Ibrahim Ā dil Shā h II of Bijā pū r who, smarting under the recent defeat of his forces by Jamā l Khā n, readily sent an army northwards. Jamā l Khā n again defeated the Bijā puris but had not recovered from the fatigues of the fight when he heard that the nobles of Berā r had declared for Burhā n, who was on the point of entering Berā r. The story of the campaign which followed need not be recounted in detail here. Burhā n and Rā jā Ali Khā n defeated and slew Jamā l Khā n at Rohankhed in the Buldhā nā district and captured the young Ismail. The protege of Akbar now ascended the throne of Ahmadnagar as Burhā n Nizam Shah II, and appointed Nur Khā n, Governor of Berā r.
1. 2. Ahmadnagrachi Nizamshahi, p. 270.
Moghals1 invited to Ahmadnagar.—Burhā n died on April 18, 1595 and was succeeded by his elder son Ibrā him Nizā m Shah. The affairs of the State were now in the utmost confusion. Ibrahim Nizam Shah after a reign of less than four months was slain in battle with the Bijā pū ris and a faction attempted to raise to the throne Ahmad, son of Shah Tā hir, who had pretended to be the son of Sultan Muhammad Khudā vand, one of the sons of Burhā n Nizam Shah I. His supporters when hard pressed in Ahmadnagar sent a message to Sultā n Murā d, Akbar's fourth son, and implored him to come from Gujarā t to their aid. Murā d had a general commission from his father to attempt the conquest of Berā r and Ahmadnagar whenever the time should seem propitious. He at once made preparations to invade the Deccan. Meanwhile, one of the strong supporters of the pretender, Miyā n Manju, attacked and defeated the opponents on October 1st, 1595. He now regretted his invitation to Murā d. Murā d, however, was already on his way and when he reached the borders of the Ahmadnagar kingdom with Khā n-i-Khā nā n Abdur Rahim and Rā jā Ali Khā n of Khā ndeś , Miyā n Manju leaving Ansā r Khā n, in whose charge was Cā nd Bibi, in command of Ahmadnagar, fled with his protege Ahmad to Ausā , where he attempted to raise an army and to enlist the aid of Ibrahim Ā dil Shā h II and Muhammad Quli Qutb Shā h of Golcondā .
Cession of Berā r to Akbar2.—Cā nd Bibi soon asserted her supremacy in Ahmadnagar and proclaimed Bahā dur, the infant son of Ibrahim Nizam Shā h, king in place of the impostor set up by Miyā n Manju. The imperial army meanwhile closely besieged Ahmadnagar, and though Sultan Murā d did not succeed in capturing the city he was only bought off by a treaty of peace concluded on March 23, 1596, one of the conditions of which was the cession of Berā r to the empire. On the conclusion of peace Murā d occupied Berā r which thus became once more, after the lapse of two centuries and a half, an appanage of the crown of Delhi. After the withdrawal of the imperial army, Bahadur Nizā m Shah was seated on the throne of Ahmadnagar while the pretender Ahmad was provided for by the Sultan of Bijā pū r.
During the early days of the Moghal occupation of Berā r, the old capital, Ellicpū r (Ā calpū r), lost some of its importance. In ehe first place its distance from the Ahmadnagar frontier and from the high road between Hindustan land the Deccan, which ran through the western corner of Berar, rendered it selection as a military capital impossible, and in the second, although Berar had been ceded to the empire by treaty, the fortresses of Gā vilgad and Narnā lā were held by amirs of Ahmadnagar and the slothful Murā d was not anxious to besiege them. He, therefore, made Bā lā pū r his principal military post and built himself a palace at a village about twelve miles west of that town.
1. Ahmadnagrachi Nizamshahi, p. 283.
2. Ahmadnagrachi Nizamshahi, pp. 307-09.
Death of Murā d and fall of Ahmadnagar.—Hostilities with Ahmadnagar were renewed by an attempt to seize Pā thrī , and on February 8th, 1597, the Khā n-i-Khā nā n was defeated at Sonpet on the Godā varī by the troops of Ahmadnagar aided by contingents from Bijā pū r and Golcondā . On the following day, however, he retrieved his defeat and put the allied Deccanis to flight. Having returned to Jā lnā , his headquarters, the Khā n-i-Khā nā n ordered the despatch of troops to Gā vilgad and Narnā lā , but Murā d now interfered and announced his intention of taking the field against Ahmadnagar, and when the Khā n-i-Khā nā n insisted that the fortresses of Northern Berā r should first be reduced Murā d wrote to his father and complained of the Khā n-i-Khā nā n's apathy. In 1598 that officer was recalled and Abul Fazl was sent to the Deccan in his place with orders to reduce Gā vilgad and Narnā lā , which duty he carried out. He failed, however, to send aid to the Moghal Governor of Bhir who reported to Akbar, Abul Fazl's failure to come to his aid. Akbar now recognised that the only officer capable of managing affairs in the Deccan was the Khā n-i-Khā nā n. In the meanwhile Murā d died in 1599 at Shā hpū r, his palace near Bā lā pū r. Sultā n Dā niyal, Akbar's youngest son, was now sent to the Deccan under the tutelage of the Khā n-i-Khā nā n. In the same year (1599) Ahmadnagar was captured by the Khā n-i-Khā nā n and Asirgad by Akbar and Sultan Dā niyal became Governor of Khā ndeś —now renamed Dā ndeś — Berar and Ahmadnagar. Parbhanī district thus became a part of the Moghal Empire.
The Ain-i-Akbari.—A detailed account of Berā r was added to the Ain-i-Akbari in 1596-97, immediately after the treaty of Ahmadnagar under which the province was ceded to the empire, and as the Moghal officers could not have had time, before the account was written, to settle the province and readjust boundaries of its administrative divisions we may regard this description as an account of the province as it was administered by the Nizā m Sā hi and Imā d Ś ā hi kings, and probably also by the Bahamanis.
Berā r was divided into sixteen Sarkā rs or revenue districts which contained 142 parganā s. The Sarkā r of Pā thrī contained eighteen parganā s and was assessed at 80,805,954 dams in money and 11,580.954 dams Suyarghal or assignments for the pay of troops. Ardhā pū r, Pā thrī , Parbhanī , Pañcā lgā nv, Balhor, Basmath, Bā r, Tā nkali, Jmtū r, Jahri, Sevli, Kosri, Luhgā nv, Makat Madhkher Matargā nv, Nā nded, Vasa, Hata are mentioned against revenue receipts. Jetanpur is mentioned as a village in the Sarkā r of Pā thrī , where there was a thriving trade in jewels and other articles of value. The breed of buffaloes was fine and strangely enough, the domestic cocks were observed to have bones and blood of a black colour. A zamindā r called Chananeri was Deś mukh, a man of most distinguished character, who had a force of 300 horse.1
After the imprisonment of Bahadur Nizam Shah in Gwalior in 1599, Malik Ambar, the African, raised to the throne Murtazā Nizam Shah II, the son of Shah Ali, one of the sons of Burhā n I and established him in the fortress of Ausā . It is unnecessary to pursue through all the details of the story of the long conflict which Ambar carried on with the amirs of the empire.
In 1605 Sultan Dā niyal died in Burhā npū r. In October of the same year Akbar died and was succeeded by his eldest son, Salim who assumed the title of Jahā ngir.
In 1610 Malik Ambar recaptured Ahmadnagar, which had been held for the emperor by Khvā jā Beg Mirzā Safavi, and overran nearly the whole of Berar which for the greater part of Jahā ngir's reign was more often in the hands of Malik Ambar than in those of the imperial officers. So far as the land revenue was concerned the administration was probably do-amli, each party collecting what it could, but the Moghals regarded Burhā npū r as their chief stronghold in the Deccan, and though a military post was usually maintained at Bā lā pū r, their hold in Berar could have been but slight. In 1617 Sultan Khurram, Jahā ngir's third son, was appointed to the command of the troops in the Deccan, and on the arrival of this energetic prince the imperial cause revived and the Moghals strengthened their hold on Berar. Sultan Khurram was recalled later in the year and received the title of Shā h Jahā n.
Malik Ambar occupies Berā r.—In 1620 Malik Ambar drove the Moghals from Berar and occupied not only that province but Khā ndeś also. Shah Jahā n was now sent to Burhā npur with a large force. He relieved that city, which was beleaguered by the Deccanis and drove the latter through Berar, pursuing them as far as Khadki2 which place he laid waste after defeating Malik Ambar in the field. Berar was thus once more in the hands of the Moghals. In 1622 Shah Jahā n rebelled against his father, drawing into rebellion with him Dā rā b Khā n, the Governor of Berar. After extensive operations in Hindustan and Gujarat the prince was pursued by his brother Parviz through Berā r to Mā hur, whence he fled to Golcondā . The Deccanis, in spite of Shah Jahā n's rebellion, effected no lodgment in Berar, which remained in the hands of Parviz, who appointed Asad Khā n Mā muri Governor of Ellicpū r. In 1624, however, Yakut Khan, the African, marched through Berar and besieged Burhā npū r, but fled when he heard of the approach of the Khā n-i-Khā nā n and Parviz.
1. The Revenue of Berar was Rs. 1,60,65,121. Under Akbar the land tax of berar was Rs. 1,73,76,117- Ain-i-Akbari by Abul Fazl, translated by H. Blochman, 1873, II., pp. 230-31.
2. Aftrerwards named Aurangabad.
Treachery of the Khā n-i-Jahā n.—In 1625 Shā h Jahā n submitted to his father and was pardoned, and in 1626 Parviz, now Governor of Berar and the Deccan, died in Burhā npū r. In the same year Malik Ambar died, in the eightieth year of his age, and his place was taken by his son Fateh Khā n. Later in the same year Umdat-ul-Mulk Khā n-i-Jahā n, who had been sent to the Deccan in consequence of the renewed activity of Murtazā Nizam Shah and Fateh Khā n, sold the Bā lā ghā t of Berar to the Deccanis for twelve lakhs of rupees. This treasonable bargain must have .thrown the affairs of the whole province into great confusion.
Jahā ngir died on November 9th, 1627 and in the course of the ensuing disputes regarding the succession, the affairs of the Deccan fell into great confusion and the fortunes of the Moghals in Berar and the Deccan were at a very low ebb.
Sā h Jahā n.
Accession of Shah Jahā n.—Shā h Jahā n ascended the imperial throne in Agra on February 15th, 1628. At the beginning of his reign the Khā n-i-Jahā n was still Governor of Berar and Khā ndeś , but his bargain with the Deccanis was disturbed as the officers of Murtazā Nizā m Shah evacuated the Bā lā ghā t in obedience to an imperial farmā n. The Nizam Ś ā hi commandant of Bhir alone held out and the Khā n-i-Zamā n was sent against him. When this officer advanced, Murtazā Nizā m Shah sent a force of 6,000 Marā thā horse under Ś ahā jī Bhosle to threaten his line of communications with Burhā npū r. Unfortunately for the schemes of the Deccanis the commandant of Bhir surrendered, and Darya, the Rohillā , who held a jā gir in Amrā vatī district, fell upon Ś ā hajī 's Marā thā horse and dispersed them. The Khā n-i-Jahā n was now summoned to court and deprived of his title., whereupon he fled to the Deccan and entered the service of Murtazā Nizā m Shah. On Murtazā refusing to surrender him, Shā h Jahā n set out for the Deccan at the end of 1629, reaching Burhā npū r early in 1630, where he was joined by Irā dat Khā n who had been appointed Governor of Berar, Khā ndeś and the Deccan in the place of the disgraced Khā n-i-Jahā n. In the campaign which followed Shah Jahā n's arrival at Burhā npū r, the Deccanis were driven from the Bā lā ghā t of Berar which they had again occupied. The war lasted until the fall of Daulatā bā d in 1633, but the Moghals had now advanced well into the Deccan and though the Parbhanī district, with the rest of Berar, suffered severely from demands for supplies for the forces in the field it was freed from the curse of war within its borders.
Famine.—In 1630 the rains failed completely in Berar and the Deccan, and partially elsewhere, and this calamity combined with the heavy tax which the war had placed upon the tracts which it affected most, produced one of the most severe famines ever known in Berar. ' Buyers were ready to give a life for a loaf, but seller was there none. The flesh of dogs was sold as that of goats and the bones of the dead were ground with the flour sold in the market, and the punishment of those who profited by this traffic produced yet direr results, men devoured one another and came to regard the flesh of their children as sweeter than their love. The inhabitants fled afar to other tracts till the corpses of those who fell by the way impeded those who came after and in the lands of Berar, which had been famous for their fertility and prosperity, no trace of habitation remained.' This account, taken from the official record of Shā h Jahā n's reign, is obviously hyperbolical, but cannot be dismissed as entirely imaginary. Berar had suffered much from protracted hostilities during which it had been the prey of hostile armies which had little respect for the rights of property, and the measures of relief undertaken were utterly inadequate.
Redistribution of Deccan provinces.—On November 27th, 1634, Shā h Jahā n issued a farmā nreorganizing his territories in the Deccan. Hitherto the three subhā s of Khā ndeś , Berā r, and the conquered districts of Nizam Ś ā hi dominions had formed a province under one Provincial Governor, whose headquarters were usually at Burhā npū r. Under Shah Jahā n's redistribution scheme those parganā s of the sarkā r of Handiā which lay to the south of the Narmadā were transferred from Mā lvā to Khā ndeś and Berar. Khā ndeś and the districts taken from Ahmadnagar wrere formed into two subhā s or provinces, the Bā lā ghā t on the south and the Pā yinghā t on the north. This arrangement dismembered, for a time, the old province of Berar, for the line dividing the two new subhā s followed the line of the edge of the plateau of the Bā lā ghā t running approximately from Rohankhed on the west to Sā vargā nv on the Wardhā river on the east.
Aurangzeb
Deccan provinces again redistributed.—This scheme of re- organization was very soon amended. In 1636 Shah Jahā n appointed his third son, Aurarigzeb, to the viceroyalty of the Deccan, when the possessions of the empire were redistributed into four subhā s: (1) Daulatā bā d and Ahmadnagar, the nominal capital of which was Daulatā bā d, while Aurarigzeb resided at Khadki, which he renamed Aurangā bā d, (2) Telanganā which included those tracts of north-western Telanganā , which had been annexed to the empire, (3) Khā ndeś , the administrative capital of which was Burhā npū r, while its principal military post was Asirgad, and (4) Berar, the capital of which was Ellicpū r, ' in the neighbourhood of which lay the fortress of Gā vil, situated on the crest of a hill and noted for its great strength.' Each of these divisions was governed by a Subhedā r in immediate subordination to Auraiigzeb as viceroy and the Khā n-i-Daurā n was retained as Subhedā r of Berar, with Sipā hdā r Khā n as Deputy Governor in Ellicpū r.
Catnpaign in Golcondā and Gondvana.—In 1637 the Khā n-i- Daurā n with Sipā hdā r Khā n and the army of Berar undertook an expedition through the northern district of the kingdom of Golcondā , where they collected tribute and thence they marched ' through the sarkā r of Pavanā r to besiege ' Nagpū r, which was held by Kokiya, the Gond ruler of Devgad. The army of Berar was joined by Kibā , the Gond ruler of Cā ndā and Nā gpū r was taken. It was probably at this time that the sarkā r of Devgad was added to the province of Berā r.
In 1642 Shah Beg Khan, a commander of 4,000 horse, was appointed Subhedā r of Berar in place of the Khā ni-Daurā n and two years later Allah Vardi Khan was made a commander of 5,000 horse and received Ellicpū r in jā gir on the death of Sipā hdā r Khan.
Accession of Aurangzeb and siege of Golcondā .—Early in 1658 Aurangzeb left the Deccan in order to participate in the contest for the imperial throne which ensued on the failure of Shah Jahā n's health. In 1658 having worsted his competitors he ascended the throne. At this time a new power was gaining ascendency in the Deccan, viz., that of the Marā thā s under the leadership of Ś ivā jī . Inspired by the ideal of carving a separate State, and backed by the zeal of his followers he had made deep incisions in the Ā dilś ā hi kingdom of Bijā pū r and had carried out daring attacks against the Moghal possessions in the Deccan, Aurangzeb had sensed this danger and had sent his generals, Sā istā khā n, Mirzā Rā jā Jaisingh and Diler Khā n to contain Ś ivā jī 's activities. In 1665 Ś ivā jī realising the tactical superiority of the Moghals decided to submit and enter into an understand- ing with the Moghals under the terms of the treaty of Purandar. But the struggle with the Moghals which had begun was to last till the death of Aurangzeb in 1707. In 1667 Mirzā Rā jā Jaisingh was recalled from the Subhedā ri of Deccan and Prince Muā zzam was appointed in his place. Ś ivā jī while carrying out prepara- tions for war with the Moghals adopted a conciliatory tone and came to terms with the new viceroy. His son Sambhā jī was made a Moghal mansabdā r and was given a Jā gir in Berar. Sambhā jī visited Prince Muā zzam at Aurangā bā d on 4th November 1667 and after a short stay returned to Rā jgad while Marā thā officers continued to stay in Aurangā bā d. Within two years Ś ivā jī had made thorough preparations for war with the Moghals. In 1670 he attacked and drove away the Moghals from the Svarā jya. He also invaded the Imperial Moghal territory in all directions and carried daring raids into Khā ndeś and Berar. In December 1670, he attacked, when least expected, the rich city of Karañjā in Berar and looted it completely.1 Ś ivā jī died in 1680. His son Sambhā ji succeeded him. Soon after his accession, early in 1681 Sambhā jī 's generals invaded Berar. They then moved with 20,000 troops towards Burhā npū r and sacked it. Aurangzeb himself marched into the Deccan. The Marā thā s kept up a continuous pressure on Khā ndeś and Berar. In 1684 they attacked Dharangā nv in Khā ndeś . Sambhā jī was captured and executed in 1689 by Aurangzeb. His son Ś ā hū was made, a prisoner. Sambhā jī 's brothers Rā jā rā m and his able commandants Santā j, Moghals. Aurangzeb was forced to deplow his best officers as subhedā rs in the provinces of Khā ndeś and Berar,1 and renowned generals like Zulfikā r Khā n and Gazi-ud-din Firoz Jang History were continuously striving to contain the Marā thā activities in the Deccan. After the fall of Jiñjī in 1698, Rā jā rā m returned to the Aurangzeb . Svarā jya territory and reached Viś ā lgad in February 1698. Mean- while Bakht Buland, the Gond Rā jā of Devgad was carrying on a struggle against the Moghals. Rā jā rā m's generals Nemā jī Ś inde and Parsoji Bhosle were successfully ravaging Khā ndeś and Berar and extracting cauth from the Imperial territory. In 1699 Rā jā rā m himself planned an invasion of Berar. This was checked by the Moghals under Prince Bedā rbakht and Zulfikā r Khan. Rā jā rā m returned to Sinhgad where he died on 2nd March 1700. The death of Rā jā rā m brought about no lull in the fighting between the Marā thā s and the Moghals. The Marā thā s under the able leadership of Tā rā bā ī (widow of Rā jā rā m), Rā mcandrapant Amā tya, Sankrā jī Nā rā yan, Dhanā jī Jadhav and others continued the struggle vigorously. They ravaged Moghal territory in Mā lvā and Gujarat. In 1703 Berar was again raided when Ś arzā Khā n, the Deputy Governor of Berar, was captured by Nemā jī Ś inde. The struggle continued till the death of Aurangzeb on February 20, 1707.
At the time of Aurangzeb's death Gā zī -ud-din Firoz Jang was the Governor of Berar.
1. Sarkar ; House of Shivaji, p. 178.
The house of the present Nizā ms was founded by Asaf Jā h, a distinguished general of Aurarigzeb. After a long service under the Delhi emperors, distinguished alike in war and political sagacity, he was appointed Suhhedā r (viceroy) of the Deccan in 1713 with the title of Nizā m-ul-Mulk, which became the hereditary title of the family. The Moghal empire at this period was on the verge of decline, owing to internal dissensions and attacks from without. Amid the general confusion, Asaf Jā h had little difficulty in asserting his independence against the degenerate and weak occupants of the throne of Delhi, but he had to deal with the Marā thā s who were attacking the west of his newly acquired territory. His independence was the cause of much jealousy at Delhi, and the court party secretly instructed Mubā riz Khā n, the Governor of Hyderabad to oppose him by force of arms. A battle was fought at Sā kharkherdā (Fatehkherdā ) in the Buldhā nā district of Berar in 1724, when Mubā riz Khan was totally defeated.. and lost his life. This battle established the independence of Asaf Tab, who annexed Berar, and fixed his residence at Hyderabad. At the time of bis death in 1748 be was fairly established as an independent sovereign of a kingdom including the province of Berar. Shortly after, if not before the death ot Asaf Jā h the Bhosle Rā jā s of Nā gpū r were recognised as mokā - sadā rs or assignees of the Marā thā s' share of the revenue of Berā r.
1 The following Moghal officers administered Berar as Subhedars from 1675 till the death of Aurangzeb in 1707. Khan Zaman was appointed Subhedar in December 1675. He was succeeded by Irij Khan who died on 13th August 1685. In August 1686 Hasan Khan was appointed Subhedar. He was succeeded by Mahabat Khan (appointed in september 1686) and Prince Kambaksh (appointed in September 1687 and again om 24th December 1697). In 1698 Askar Ali Khan was appointed Subhedar. He was succeeded by the leading Moghal General Firoz Jang.
2 A major portion of what is the district of Parbhani today was during the Moghal period devided between the districts, or sarkars as they were called of Pathri and Vashim in the Berar. The "Savaneh Dakan" of Munimkhan Aurangabadi (1785 A.D.) has described the parganas under pathri and vashim, many of which are now situated in the district of Parbhani. The following is the list of parganas recorded by Munimkhan:-
Pathri Sarkar:-(1) Pathri, (2) Mahur, (3) Bhogaon, (4) Anjegaon, (5) Parbhani, (6) Takli, (7) Jhari, (8) Jintur, (9) Shivali, (10) Kotheli and (11) Lohagaon.
Vashim Sarkar:- (1) Vashim, (2) Aundha, (3) Bamni (4) Takli (5) Charthana (6) Kalamnuri (7) Kadidhamni (8) Mangalur and (9) Narasi.
French and English
After his death, Nā sir Jang, his second son, and Muzaffar Jang, his grandson by one of his daughters, strove for the succession. At this time the English and the French were contending for supremacy in the East, and each of the claimants secured the support of one of these powers ; Nãsir Jang's cause was espoused by the English, while Muzaffar Jang was supported by the French. The latter, however, fell a prisoner to his uncle, but, on the assassination of Nā sir Jang, Muzaffar Jang was proclaimed the sovereign. Dupleix, the French Governor, became the controller of the Nizā m's authority. Muzaffar Jang was killed by some Pathā n chiefs, and the French then selected Salā bat Jang, a brother of Nā sir Jang, as ruler. On the death of Sayyad Ś arif Khā n Ś ujā t Jang, the Governor of Berā r in June 1752, Sayyad Laskar Khā n was appointed as Subhedā r of Berā r by Salā bat Jang. Gā zi-ud-din, the eldest son of Asaf Jā b, who, it was alleged, had relinquished his claim at first, now appeared as a claimant, supported by the Marā tbā s. He, in order to attach the Marā thā s to bis cause, assigned to them the revenues of all the northern districts of the Deccan and Raghujī Bhosle, the Nā gpū r Rā jā , on the pretext of Gā zi-ud-din's promise collected and retained the whole of the revenues of Berā r. His sudden death put a stop to further struggles. In 1756 Salā bat Jang appointed his brother Nizā m Ali to the Government of Berar. The English and the French were now contesting for power and influence in the Deccan ; but the victories of Clive in the Kamā tak caused the latter to turn their attention to their own possessions which were threatened, and to leave Salā bat Jang to fight for himself. Nizā m Ali Khā n, the fourth son of Asaf Jā h, at this juncture obtained the support of the English on the promise of dismissing the French from his service. Salā bat Jang was dethroned in 1762, and Nizā m Ali Khan was proclaimed ruler. In 1763 he appoint- ed Gulā m Sayyad Khā n, Governor of Berā r, but removed him in 1764 and replaced him in Berā r by Ismā il Khā n, the Afghā n.
Cession of Northern Circā rs
In 1766 the Northern Circā rs were ceded to the British, on condition that the Nizā m was to be furnished with a subsidiary force in time of war, and should receive six lakhs of rupees annually when no troops were required, the Nizā m on his part promising to assist the British with his troops. This was followed by the treaty of 1768, by which the East India Company and the Navā b of the Karnā tak engaged to assist the Nizam with troops whenever required by him on payment, Sometime in1775, Nizā m Ali's eldest son, Ali Jā h, was appointed Subhedā r of berā r and Bahrā m Jang was appointed Ali Jā h's lieutenant in Berā r. in 1783 Bahrā m Jang was removed and was succeeded by the Ihtiś ā m Jang. In1790 war broke out between Tipū Sultā n and the British and a treaty of offensive and defensive alliance was concluded between the Nizā m, the Marā thā s, and the British Tipū , however, concluded peace, and had to relinquish half of his dominions, which was divided among the allies. In 1798 a treaty was concluded between the Nizā m and the British Government, by which a subsidiary force of 6,000 sepoys and a proportionate number of guns was assigned to the Nizam's service, who on his part agreed to pay a subsidy of 24 lakhs for the support of the force. On the fall of Srirangapatam and the Ideath of Tipū Sultā n, the Nizam participated largely under the Treaty of Mysore (1799) in the division of territory, and his share was increased because of the Peś vā 's withdrawal from that treaty.
Ceded Districts.—In 1800 a fresh treaty was concluded between the Nizam and the British, by which the subsidiary troops were augmented by two battalions of infantry and one regiment of cavalry, for the payment of which the Nizam ceded all the territories which had accrued to him under the treaties of 1792 and 1799, known as the Ceded District,': of Madras. The Nizam on his part agreed to employ all this force (except two battalions reserved to guard his person), together with 6,000 foot and 9,000 horse of his own troops, against the enemy in time of war.
Maratha war
In 1803 Nizam Ali Khan's health was in a precarious condition. ś inde and Bhosle invaded the Nizam's territory. To meet the preparations made by the Marā thā s, the subsidiary force, consisting of 6,000 infantry and two regiments of cavalry, accom-panied by 15,000 of the Nizam's troops, took up a position at Parendā on the western frontier of the Nizam's dominions. Colonel Stevenson advanced towards the Godā varī with the whole force under him, and was joined by General Wellesley near Jā lnā . The next day (September 23) the memorable battle of Assaye was fought by General Wellesley, followed shortly afterwards by the battle of Adgā riv, which resulted in the defeat of the Marā thā s, and secured the Nizam's territories.
A.D. 1803.
A.D. 1822.
The Bhosle Rā jā s of Nā gpū r had to surrender, all their claims to Berar and the province was restored to the Nizam. Thus ended the Bhosle family's connections with Berar of which Parbhani formed a part. The Bhosle family never pretended to anything like sovereignty in Berar. They quartered themselves on the country as military commanders, with authority (which soon became hereditary) to levy the Marā thā dues, and to realize large assignments for support of their troops. But even in the exercise of this power they were nominally subject to the Peś vā , while the Nizam's share in the revenue was always formally admitted. of course the Marā thā exactions were measured by their power—they took just as much as they could get—nevertheless they pretended to keep regular accounts with the Nizam's officers, who were never openly ejected from their posts as from a conquered country, though they were often entirely set aside for a time. The dis- tricts were called Do Amli, that is, jointly administered ; and in all the revenue papers the collections are divided, the Marā thā share being usually sixty per cent. Even the south-eastern tracts,- wrested by Raghujī from the Gond Chief of Cā ndā , were latterly held by the Marā thā s as Do Amli, which shows, by the way, that the Cā ndā dominion was considered to have been mere usurpation by the Gond from the Moghal. But while the Nizam constantly made grants of rent-free land for endowments and maintenance in Berā r, and while the Pesvā or his officers provided for numberless Bā rhmans out of the tracts in Beā rr absolutely ceded to him in 1760 and 1795, it may be almost positively affirmed that Bhosle never attempted to make any such gifts of land, or of the whole land-tax on a given area, up to 1803 ; though he sometimes made over his share of the revenue of a given estate, and often gave charitable allowances charged against receipts. And even these grants were never guaranteed by treaty, as was done for the Peś vā 's assignments on the district restored in 1822 to the Nizam. on the other hand, Mudhojī Bhosle, the victor at Pā ń cgā nv in 1775, bought a rent-free village in Buldhā nā district from the Muham- medan deś nukhs of Lonā r, and the estate was till recently held by his descendants. The Bhosle Chiefs had the title of Send Sā heb Subhā (commander of the forces).
The system of Marā thā revenue collection as it existed in Berā r towards the end of their domination and during its height was simple enough. They exacted a proportion of the net receipts from all cultivation, including jā gir estates, and they usually took fifty per cent of the money paid direct to the Nizam's treasury, with sixty per cent on a jā gir assignment; though in some of the richest districts sixty per cent was taken upon all lands without distinction. Of this percentage, ten per cent was called sardeś mukhī , and the rest mokā sā , which seems in Beā rr to have become corrupted into the technical term that included in a lump sum all the Marā rthā dues except the ten per cent above mentioned. It is needless to observe that this word had a very different revenue meaning elsewhere ; but the precise items which came under this heading are not to be clearly traced in the Marā thā records of this province. From a note to para 160 of the Resident's Report for 1853-54, it is gathered that the sixty per cent was thus made up;' cauth, twenty-five per cent; sardesmukhi, ten per cent and foiizddr's allowance for district administration, twenty-five per cent. Thus, whenever theMarā thā entirely elbowed out the Nizam's officers ' and administered the country they pocketed the allowance.
Sikandar Jā h
Nizam Ali Khan died in 1803, and was succeeded by his son, Sikandar Tā h.
Nizam's Sovereignty.—By the partition treaty of Hyderabad (dated 1804), the whole of Berā r, including districts east of the Wardhā but excluding certain tracts left with the Nā gpū r Chief and the Peś va, was made over in perpetual sovereignty to the Nizam. The forts of Gā vilgad and Narnā lā remained subject to Nā gpū r. Certain tracts about Sindkhed and Jā lnā , in the south- west corner of the Berā r Province, were restored by sinde to the Hyderabad State.
A.D. 1803.
The subsidiary force sent by the Nizam with Wellesley's army had been commanded by one Raja Mahipat Ram, who after the peace got appointed to manage Berā r. He intrigued against the Minister at Hyderabad, was removed, rebelled, and, after giving some trouble, took refuge with Holkar, where he was assassinated. He was succeeded in the Government by Rā jā Govind Baks as Subhedā r of Berā r and Aurangā bā d. Ellicpū r and the district round were left after 1803 in the possession of a powerful jā girdā r, whose family history is worth notice. One Ismail Khan was commander of horse under Nizā m-ul-Mulk, and was made Subhedā r of Ellicpū r. Being called on in 1775 to give account of his stewardship, he attacked the Nizam's troops, and was killed in the encounter. His son Salā bat Khan, however, got the jā gir held by his father, and attached himself to the British during the war of 1803, when he was favourably mentioned by Wellesley ; and a very large jā gir was continued to him for payment of troops. He assisted the British in the Pendhā ri war of 1817. Sir Henry Russell, writing about 1818, reports that Saā lbat Khan held a jā gir yielding nearly sixteen lakhs. His son failed repeatedly to pay the brigade at Ellicpū r out of his assignments., and the jū dgir was resumed in 1832.
A.D. 1803.
A.D. 1809.
A.D. 1813
The peace of Devgā nv had put a stop to actual warfare in Beā rr but the people continued to suffer intermittently from the inroads of Pendhā ris and incessantly from misgovernment. The province had been restored to the Nizam just at the time when confusion in his dominions was at its worst. The Nizam's territories are, writes General Wellesley (January 1804), " one complete chaos from the Godavarī to Hyderabad " . And again Sindkhed is a nest of thieves. The situation of this country is shocking; the people are starving in hundreds and there is no government to afford the slightest relief" .1 In 1803 Bā rī ś , Takī l, Kantal, and Adgā nv, small country towns, were sacked by freebooting bands. In 1809, the PendhĂ ris advanced close up to Ellicpū r, but retired on finding the place too strong for them. Another party plunder- ed Vā sī m at the time ;and Pimpalgā fń v, near Jalgā nv, was sacked and gutted on another occasion. Pā tur was burnt to ashes, they say, in 1808. In 1813, two Marā thā leaders occupied Fatehkherdā parganā for more than three months they sacked Fatehkherdā town, and generally plundered the country. Then (according to local information) came the Nā iks, who robbed house by house, and shared with the Pendhā ris a violent aversion to written papers. Like Jack Cade, they thought it a lamentable thing that parchment being scribbled over should undo a man and so they are said to have destroyed many valuable sanads among other documents. In 1816 the depredations of the Pendaī rlī s in Berā r roused the British Government to expostulate with the Nizam and by the Resident's counsel no less than 7,500 horse were stationed in the province for its protection.
1 Despatches ; Jalna, 19th June 1804.
A.D. 1817-18.
The war of 1817-18 did not seriously affect the tranquillity of Berā r, though there was fighting with the Marā thā States on the east and west, and against the Pendhā rls beyond the Sā tpudā s. The Hyderabad subsidiary force had been moved up to Elā licpur, and took part in the campaign. When the Pesvā had been driven out of his territories in 1818 he fled across the southern part of Berā r by Umarkhed, towards Cā ndā , pursued by Generals Doveton and Smith but he stopped at the junction of the Waingangā and Wardhā , having discovered that no aid from the Bhosle Chief could be expected. Here he got hemmed in, and at Seoni (or Pandarkaura), in the south-east corner of the Wun district, he lost many men in a skirmish with Colonel Adams. Thence he fled northward into the Sā tpudā hills, and finally surrendered from Dholkot, near Asirgad.
A.D. 1818.
The Melghā t highland chiefs had been giving much trouble since 1814, by harbouring rebels and outlaws, notably one Sekh Dullā , a notorious brigand who kept all the hill country in a stir for several years. By the treaty of 1804, the districts close under the Gā vilgad hills had been left with the Peś vā , and were thus isolated from a distant seat of Government, so the hill-people plundered them with impunity. But a force was sent up from Poonā in about 1816, which put down the tribes; though they broke out again during the Pendhā ī war, and caused some mischief by sheltering ā . After a long and adventurous career, Sekh Dullā was at last assassinated in the Melghā t by a Sikh in 1820.
A.D. 1822
After the conclusion of this war a fresh treaty was made in 1822, which settled the frontier of Berā r, and conferred upon the Nizam all the country west of the Wardhā . The tracts lying east of that river were at length formally ceded to Nā gpur, but the districts taken by the Pesvā in 1795, and those which had been left to Bhosle in 1803, were all restored to. the Hyderabad State. Thus the parganā s of Astī , Arvī and Ă mner across the Wardhā which had belonged to Berā r from very early days, were at length separated from this province; but the forts of Gā vilgad and Narnā lā were recovered, with the subjacent parganā s of Akot, Adgā iiv and others, and all the hill-range known as the Melghā t. The Pesvā restored Umarkhed and other tracts in the south-east; while all claims by the Marā thā s on the Nizam for cauth were for ever extinguished.
The reigning Nizam was at this time Sikandar Jā h, a prince who had neither the will nor the capacity to look after public business ; and his minister was Raja Candu Lā i, a clever revenue officer, who, having been lifted to the highest pinnacle of State entirely by British influence, broke down eventually as an administrator, and by his corruption and weakness disorganized the Government. Sikandar Jā h died in 1829, but Candu Lā i did not resign until 1843, having in the interval shown a real genius for maladministration, of which Berā r bore its share.
A.D. 1829
From the report of Sir H. Russell, Resident at Hyderabad, we learn that in 1820 the troops in Beā rr amounted nominally to 26,000, an extravagant number, which proves the disorder of the country and the improvidence of its rulers. The report says further that " this province is naturally the most fertile part of the Nizam's dominions, but that it has suffered severely from Pendhā rls and from the depredations of Nā iks and Bhils, insomuch that the net revenue collected in 1815-20 was not more than half- the sum which the province was estimated to yield at the close of the war in 1803" This is just what Wellesley predicted in 1804. " Unless the Su'bhā (he writes1) be forced to reform his military establishment, take my word for it that the average of the Nizam's receipts (from Beā rr) for the next ten years will be even less than those of the last ten " . And Wellesley goes on to point out, with characteristic sagacity, how the sudden cessation of arms in the Deccan must for the time even aggravate civil disorder under a native Government. Large bodies of troops are disbanded, who become gangs of plunderers too strong for the weak police ; while the spread of British annexation establishes rigid irresistible order all round, and drives all the brigands' of India within the narrow limits of Native States which they can ravage with impunity.
A.D. 1831.
“The Nizam," writes Sir H. Russell, " is considered the universal heir of all his subjects. This was the ancient prerogative of the Moghal emperors, who maintained it in a country upon which the British hesitate to impose a slight legacy-duty." It must have seriously checked the investment of capital in Berā r. Then the whole of the Nizam's land revenue was at this period farmed out to publicans, who adhered to no rates, but squeezed what they could out of the ryot's crop, his goods and chattels. One Raja Bisan Cand, who held, the greater part of Berā r valley in farm about 1831, has left a name at which " the Kunbl still grows pale, " to pronounce it of a morning early is unlucky. Petty local revolts were common the Desmukhs stood up for their hereditary rights ; the farmers took what they could by main force ; and there was frequent faction-fighting in the towns between Rajputs and Musalmans. Both parties, however, were good shooters and bad hitters more goods were lost than lives ; but campaigns lasting several days were fought out in the streets of Akot, each side being joined by partisans from the whole countryside.
1 11th February 184, Despatches.
A.D. 1841.
The country was harried from time to time by bands of men under leaders who set up in defiance of the Government on various pretexts, but always with the real object of plundering. Such a captain would start with a small party, and would soon be joined, unless at once put down, by all the swashbucklers and scoundrels of the Deccan. If a Hindu, he sometimes pretended to be Appā sā heb (the Nā gpur Raja, he who escaped from British custody in 1818), and preached delivery of Beā rr from the Musalman yoke. In 1841, one Mogutrā v came with a small company to a village near Jalgā nv, declaring himself to be a chief of Sinde family, and offering great rewards to all who would-join him in conquering Berā r. He assembled a crowd of armed vagabonds*, and even seduced some men of substance ; with these he drove out the Nizam's officers, and for a short time occupied that side of the country. He was put down and driven off by the combined forces of the talukdars and the irregular force under British officers, but not without much marching and skirmishing of a rather serious kind. Mogutrā v had hoisted the Bhosle flag on the walls of Jā mod (Akolā district), and made a fair stand there, the Deś mtukhs and Deś pā dndes all assisting him. Then in 1848, came from" Nā gpū r a man who called him self Appā sā heb, the exRaja of Nā gpū r. In the Wun district he publicly proclaimed his pretension to Berā r, and was actively supported, as usual, by all the hereditary Hindu officials. With their aid he collected troops and arms throughout Berā r, engaged a gang of Rohillā s, and openly took the field with about 4,000 men. The British irregular forces pursued him, and attacked his party posted among hills near Kalam, when the rebels were driven off; but Brigadier Onslow died on the field from a fall with his horse. This was in May 1849. In June, Brigadier Hampton's cavalry by forced marches got Ă ppā sā heb's banditti within reach of their sabres ; after a sharp and spirited action in which the Brigadier was dangerously wounded, Ă ppasaheb was captured, and his followers" dispersed.1
After the old war-time came the " cankers of a calm world" . For then began the palmy days of the great farmers-general at Hyderabad, who flourished like green bay-trees. Messrs. Palmer and Company overshadowed the Government, and very nearly proved too strong for Sir C. Metcalfe, when he laid the axe to the root of their power they had made large loans at 24 per cent to the Nizam's Government, for the maintenance of that very numerous cavalry which (as has been already mentioned) was organized at the instance of the British Resident for the protection of Berā r. Then Purari Mai, a moneylender of Hyderabad, got most of Berā r in farm; but in 1839 he was turned out of his districts by the Nizam's minister, under pressure from the British Resident. Puran Mai refused to quit hold of his security for advances made, and showed fight when Messrs. Pestanji sent agents to take his place for after all the Nizam had only changed his banker. However, Puran Mai had to give up ; but he presented to the Hyderabad Government an account showing balance due to him of two million sterling, which the ministry altogether refused to pay, proving, by a different system of book-keeping, that Puran Mai was deeply in debt to the treasury.
1 It may here be mentioned that the last fight of this kind in Berar was at chichamba near Risod, in 1859, when a plundering party of Rohillas was pursued by a detachment of the Hyderabad Contingent into the village. Being thus driven to bay behind walls they resisted an assult by the fatigued Contigent infantry, and the Captain Mackinnion was killed there.
A.D. 1841.A.D. 1843.A.D. 1845.
Messrs. Pestanji and Company had no better luck in the sequel. These were enterprising Pā rsī merchants, who in 1825-26 made, according to their own statement, the first considerable exportation of cotton from Berā r to Bombay. They gave liberal advances to cotton-growers, set up cotton-screws at Kā hmgā nv and other places, and took up generally the export of produce from the Nizam's country. In 1841, large assignments of revenue in Berā r for reimbursement of advances to the State were made to them by Candu Lā i; but in 1843 that minister resigned, having conducted the State to the verge of bankruptcy, and Pestanji had to deal with another Cabinet. He claimed about forty lakhs of rupees. Nevertheless, in 1845, he was ordered to give up his Berā r districts; and on his refusal his collecting agents were attacked at Parbhanī , Balapū r and Akolā . Sixteen of his men were killed at the place first named, so he was forced to evacuate the assignments ; while his subsequent importunities for payment seem to have been stayed off by exchequer bills and cheques on native bankers, which all proved inconvertible currency.1
Messrs. Pestanji and Company had made large and liberal advances to tenants in Berā r ; they had thus restored cultivation over wide tracts, and rekindled the lamp in many deserted villages. Among Berā r agriculturists they left a very good reputation.
A.D. 1850.A.D. 1853.
All these proceedings may have damaged the State's credit, as Raja Candu Lal's financing had hampered its revenue; for in 1843 and in several succeeding years, the pay of the Nizam's irregular force, maintained under the treaty of 1800, had to be advanced by the British Government. In 1850, it had fallen again into heavy arrears. There were other unsatisfied claims of the British Government on the Nizam and his whole debt amounted to forty-five lakhs in 1853. The bankruptcy of the Hyderabad Government disorganized their administration the non-payment of the troops continued to be a serious political evil. In 1853, a new treaty was concluded with the Nizam.
Parbhani District Formed
By this treaty districts yielding a gross revenue of 50 lakhs a year were assigned to the British. The districts thus ceded consist- ed, besides a major portion of Berā r, of Osmanā bā d (Naldurg) and the Rā icū r Doā b. From the remaining portion of Berā r which was left to the Nizam, the district of Parbhanī to which were added the tahsils south of the Godavarī and the tahsil of Pā rtū r on the west, was formed under the reforms of Sā lā r Jang.
1 "How do you mean to pay the native bankers ?" said Sir C. Matcalfe to Chandu Lal, when the Nizam's debts were under adjustment. "Pay them", answered the Minister, " Why, I don't mean to pay them at all; they have received interest over and over again, and I'll pay no more". Speech of Mr. Russell before the Court of Proprietors (1825), quoted in Brigg's Nizam.
1Howdo you mean to pay the native bankers ?" said Sir C. Metcalfe to Chandu Lai, when the Nizam's debts were under adjustment. " Pay them" , answered the Minister, " why, I don't mean to pay them at all; they have received interest over and over again, and I'll pay no more" . Speech of Mr. Russell before the Court of Proprietors (1825), quoted in Briggs's Nizam. By this treaty the British agreed to maintain an auxiliary force of 5,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry and four field batteries; and it was stipulated that after paying the Contingent and certain other charges and interest on the Company's debt, the surplus was to be made over to the Nizam. The Nizam, while retaining the full use of the subsidiary force and Contingent, was released from the unlimited obligation of service in time of war; and the Contingent ceased to be part of the Nizam's army, and became an auxiliary force kept by the British Government for the Nizam's use. A week after the conclusion of this treaty the Divā n Sirā j-ul-Mulk died and Navā b Sā lā r Jang, his nephew, was appointed minister.
Afzal-ud-daula.
Nasir-ud-daulā died in May 1857, and was succeeded by his son, Afzal-ud-dauā l. This was a critical period for Hyderabad, as the Mutiny which convulsed Northern India affected this State also. It was feared that, if Hyderabad joined the revolt, the whole of Southern India as well as Bombay would rebel. But though t the Nizam was urged by some of his advisers to raise the standard of revolt, he listened to the counsels of his faithful minister, Sā lā r Jang, and cast in his lot with the British with unshaken loyalty. Great commotion had been produced through- out the Hyderabad territory when Tā tyā Tope crossed Narmadā and attempted to create stir in Deccan. By the near approach of this leader, parties of marauders began plundering. One band attacked Bhokardan and Anva in 1859 and then retired to Beā rr where nearly the whole gang was captured.
Brigadier Hill closely invested a turret, in the Basmath tahsil of the Parbhanī district, in which the Rohillā s beaten by him on the 15th January 1859 had taken shelter. The Rohillā s seemed to think it best to endeavour to get through the besiegers before their guns were up. They made a sally at night, were attacked by the besieging party, they fought with desperation, and it was long before their ranks were broken. They fled at length, losing a hundred men dead on the field. The English loss was seven killed and thirteen wounded. This body was a detachment from a large body of the Rohillā s overrunning the country. It was commanded by an Arab and had Arabs in its ranks. A body of seven hundred Rohillā s was within fifteen miles of the place where the affair described above took place.
The Jā girdā r of Javlā in Parbhanī district, who was a Peerzā dā , was arrested for giving asylum to the Rohillā s and was sentenced to imprisonment of two years. Large bodies of Rohillā s were moving, on their way to Jintū r, Gangā khed, Hingolī , Sundarasta, Mahore, Jathore, Jū la, Basmath, Dasa and Navgā nv in the Parbhanī district. The Jā girdā rs of Basmath, Nā kasvā dī and Atholā were ordered by the British to hand over their forts. Small forces were sent to conquer Khadle, Sā mgaiiv and Lothier by Major Bruck. These disturbances were put down by the end of I860*.
* The Freedom Struggle in Hyderabad, (Vol. II), pp. 123-59; Hyderabad Affairs, Vol. III, pp. 227-28, 240; Major R. G. Burton, A history of the Hyderabad Contigent, pp. 245-46.
After the storm of the Mutiny had subsided, the British Government, in recognition of the services rendered by the Nizam, modified the treaty of 1853. By a treaty made in 1860 Osmā nā bā d (Naldurg) and the Rā icur Doā b, yielding a revenue of 21 lakhs, were restored, and a debt of 50 lakhs was cancelled, while certain tracts, on the left bank of the Godā varī were ceded and the assign- ed districts of Berā r, yielding a revenue of 32 lakhs, were taken in trust by the British for the purposes specified in the treaty of 1853. Presents to the value of 10,000 were bestowed upon the Nizam and his minister and other noblemen were also rewarded. After the year 1858, the Prime Minister Sā lā r Jang embarked on his schemes for the better administration of the State. Corrupt officials were removed from the districts and men of character were posted in their places. In the year 1867, the system known as Zillā bā ndi was promulgated. Under this scheme, the State was divided into five divisions and seventeen districts. Salaried officials were appointed to the divisions, districts and tahsils. At the same time the Judicial, Public Works, Medical, Municipal, Police and Educational Departments were brought into proper organization. It was decided to start a Land Revenue Survey and Settlement Department in 18751.
Mir Mahbub Ali Khā n.
Mir Mahbub Ali Khan Bahadur, succeeded as Nizam on his father's death in 1869. He being only three years old, a regency was constituted for the administration of the country, with Sir Sā lā r Jang I as regent and Navā b Sams-ul-Umaā r as co-regent, the Resident being consulted on all important matters concerning the welfare of the State. On the death of the co-regent in 1877, his half-brother Navab Vikā r-ul-Umarā was appointed co administrator but he also died in 1881, Sir Sā lā r Jang remaining the sole administrator and regent till his death in 1883.
Reforms in Administration.
Not being fettered in any way, the great minister pursued his reforms with untiring effort. The four Sadr-ul-Mahā ms or departmental ministers, who had been appointed in 1868, managed the Judicial, Revenue, Police and Miscellaneous departments under the guidance of the minister, who, besides instructing them in their work, had direct control over the Military, Mansab, Finance, Trea- sury, Post, Mint, Currency and State Railway Departments. Transactions with the British Government, the Nizam's education, and the management of the Sarf-i-khā s domains also received his personal attention. Revenue survey and settlement were taken in hand and completed in the Maratha districts. Civil and criminal courts were established, stamps were introduced, the Postal Department was placed on a sound basis, and the Municipal, Public Works, Education and Medical Departments received their due share of attention. Thus almost every department of the British administration was represented in the State, and worked with creditable efficiency under the guiding spirit of the great minister. In particular, the finances of the State, which had become greatly involved, were much improved.
1 The Freedom Struggle in Hyderabad, Vol. II (1857-1885), p. 254.
Installation of Mir Mahbub Ali Khan
In 1884 the Nizam Mir Mahbub Ali Khan, having attained his majority, was installed by Lord Ripon. Sir Sā lā r Jang II was appointed minister, and was followed in 1888 by Sir Asmā n Jā h.
National Movement.
The birth of the Indian National Congress at the end of the year 1885 was bound to have a profound effect on the educated classes in Hyderā bad as in other parts of the country. The Hyderabad administration, dominated as it was by officers like Mehdi Ali Muhasin-ul-Mulk, Viqā r-ul-Mulk Bilgrā mi, Viqā r-ul- Mulk and Mehdi Hasan Fateh Navā z Jang, who had been influenced by the social and political thought of Sir Syed Ahmad, was highly critical of the Indian National Congress. Public opinion, on the other hand, was sympathetic towards this new political awakening. Prominent among those who supported the National Congress were Dr. Aghornath Chattopadhyaya, Mulla Abdul Qayum, Ramchandra Pillay, Mohib Hussain, the editor of the Muallim-e-Saftq and the pioneer of social reform in Hyderabad and Syed Akhil, the editor of the Hazdā r 'Dā sfā n. The Urdu press was outstanding in its criticism against the British policies in India and in the middle-east countries. It strongly supported Lord Ripon in the Ilbert Bill controversy and bitterly criticised the opposition to it engineered by the vested British interests in India. The Hyderabad Government, on the other hand, took a critical attitude against this situation and every encouragement was given to the activities of Sir Syed Ahmad in the educational and political fields1.
The public life in Hyderabad was slowly coming forward and expressing itself in various fields By this time a class of pleaders had come into existence since the examinations for pleadership were started for the first time in 1883. A number of societies and clubs had been started and were contributing to the shaping of public opinion. The Young Men's Improvement Society (February 26, 1879), the Theosophical Society (December 26, 1882), the Albert Reading Room, the Malvā lā Sabhā , the Hindu Social Club were also beginning to take part in public affairs. In 1891, the Government of Hyderabad in the Home Department issued a circular imposing a number of restrictions on newspapers. In the year 1892, Swami Giranand Saraswati visited Hyderabad and stayed with Mukund Lai. He delivered a number of lectures on the Ă rya Samā j. The Ă rya Samā j moved into its own building in 1905. The Sanā tan Dharma Mahā Mandal was established at about the same time. In 1894, two preachers of the Ă rva Samā j, 'viz., Pandit Bala Krishna Sharma and Nityanand Brahmachari were expelled from the State Another development was the institution of the Gane's Utfav celebrations in the year 1895 for the first time in the city. Among those who joined the Ă rya Samā j in its early days were K.esnavrav KoratKar, Dr. Aghornath vjnan-wj^a.- dhyaya and Pandit Shripad Damodar Satvalekar. Mulla Abdul Qayum, in co-operation with his friend Dr. Aghornath Chattopa- dhyaya, started the Svadesī agitation in 1905. He inspired a number of young people like Moulavi Muhammad Akbar Ali, Moulavi Muhammad Mazhar and others to start an association called Anjumā n-e-Marif which had the aim of developing the social, intellectual and economic life of Hyderabad.
1 The Freedom Struggle in Hyderabad, Vol. III (1885-1920), p. 1.
In the year 1900, Hyderabad was connected on the metre-guage with Manmā d thus opening the Marā thvada districts for com- munications with the then Bombay Presidency. The decade between 1900—1912 was a formative period in the history of Hyderabad. In 1902 Lord Curzon arrived in Hyderabad and the agreement assigning Berā r on lease in perpetuity was signed on November 5, 1902 The manner and method of the agreement shocked public opinion and created a great feel- ing of resentment against the Government of India. All these factors tended to sharpen public opinion against the British. When the Svadesī Movement in the then British India started, it was enthusiastically welcomed in Hyderabad. Meetings were held in many places and the boycott of foreign goods was urged. The preaching of the Svadesī was carried on through the institutions like the Arya Samā j, the Gane's Utsav and various societies. In the year 1896, Keshavrav Koratkar who was practising in the courts of Gulbargā came to Hyderabad and started his practice in that city. Keshavrav Koratkar was one of the great leaders produced by Hyderabad about this time. Born in the year 1867 at Purja Javjā in the Basmath tahsil of the Parbhanī district, he had his early education privately at Gulbargā . He used to visit Poonā frequently and attend functions like the Vasant Vyā khyā na Mala and have contacts with the. leading personalities of Mahā rā stra. It was thus that Keshavrav got an urge to develop similar institutions in Hyderabad. The arrest, trial and the subsequent deportation of Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak in 1908 gave a great fillip to the movement of Svadesī . The great Sanskrt Pandit, Shripad Damodar Satvalekar, spent eight years in Hyderabad from 1901 to 1908.
Wamanrav Naik and Keshavrav Koratkar attended the session of the Indian National Congress at Surat. Wamanrav Naik was the follower of Lokamanya Tilak while Keshvrav Koratkar was the follower of the Honourable Gokhale.
Mir Usmā n Ali Khā n.
The Nizam Mahbub Ali Khan died in the year 1911, and was succeeded by Mir Usmā n Ali Khan on August 29, 1911.
Sir Sā lā r Jang III was appointed Divā n. He remained in that office till December 1, 1914. The Nizam then took the executive powers in his own hands. In the matter of administration the Nizam's State witnessed considerable progress during the reign of Mir Usmā n Ali Khan. Hitherto the administration of the State was carried through the Madar-ul-Mahā m who was akin to the Chief Minister of the Moghal period. But on November 17, 1919 this system was replaced by an executive council under a President. The chief minister was henceforward designated as the president of the executive council of Hyderabad. Reforms were effected in practically every branch of the administration. The judiciary was separated from the executive and the administration of justice was placed on sound and efficient lines. In the field of education the Osmania University was established in 1917, while intermediate colleges started functioning at divisional headquarters from 1927. The Kā zipeth-Ballā lrsā h railway route and the railway line connecting Bidar and Paralī were opened. In the meanwhile, public awakening was making itself felt in the State. From the time of Sā lā r Jang I (1853—1883) educated elements from all parts of India had been encouraged to enter the service of the State. The establishment of educational institutions in the city of Hyderabad both under Government and private encouragement had resulted in growing number of educated persons. The tendency of well-to- do people in the State to send their children for higher education to places like Aligadh, Poonā , Bombay, Madā rs and to foreign countries had also borne fruit in the establishment of a progressive educational element in the State.
Political and Social Movements
In the last decades of the 19th century the educated section in the State began to take interest in public affairs. Among the leaders of public opinion were Mulla Abdul Qayum, the educationist and Aghornath Chattopadhyaya, the father of Sarojini Naidu. A strong section of the public was also drawn towards the Indian National Congress at this time. Educational, social and cultural movement which had originated in other parts of India also spread to Hyderabad. The Ganesolsava, the Ā rya Samā j, the establishment of private schools and libraries, the starting of social conferences were some of the movements which spread rapidly in the State. Among the leaders of public opinion were Keshavrav Koratkar, a leading lawyer who later rose to be the Judge of the Hyderā bā d High Court, Wamanrav Naik, a philan- thropist, Madpati Hanumantrav, Pandit Taranath and Venkatrama Reddi. It was in these circumstances that Keshavrav Koratkar and Wamanrav Naik conceived the idea of holding the social conferences under the auspices of the Hyderabad Social Service League. The conferences held in 1918, 1919 and 1920 passed a number of resolutions such as plea for extensive primary education, greater attention to female education, opening of libraries in every tahsil and welfare measures for the depressed classes. These conferences succeeded in attracting the attention of both the Government and the educated classes to the need of measures for social reforms in the State. As a result of the activities of these leaders a number of schools, libraries and hostels sprang up in various parts of the State. Later these institutions were to play an increasing part in the agitation for reforms in the State.
The First World War (1914—1918) brought in its wake further public awakening. The Civil Disobedience movement of the Congress and the Khilafat agitation saw an unprecedented agitation of public mind in Hyderā bā d. The Government tried to suppress the agitation for reforms From the beginning of the 20th century a number of public workers had to leave the state Pandit S D. Satvalekar, D.A. Tuljapurkar, Pandit Taranat mdRaghavendra Sharma were some; of the public workers who had leave the State on account of activities not to the liking of the .Government. The movement to have regional conferences for Marathvada, Telarigana and Karnatak was also started in the twenties. Public education focussed its attention on the lack c service opportunity for the majority community of the State, sine about 90 per cent of the services in the State were held by the Muslims. Agitation also grew against the widespread corruption which prevailed in the State during this period. The result was that a strong British element was introduced in the administration of the State. Partly this was also the effect of the persistent effort of the Nizam to get back the possession of Berar and to acquire the status of equality with the Government of India.
With the rapidly rising number of educated youth and the struggle for a place in the services, communal agitation began to make itself felt. This took the shape of the mulki and non-mulki agitation and also the struggle between the major communities of the State. While the Hindu community was moving towards reforms in the State, the leaders who influenced the Muslim community began to think in terms of consolidating the privileges already enjoyed by the Muslims. While the Government could not prevent the march of public opinion, it was not very keen to see the development of the Congress movement in the State. Under these circumstances communal movements found a ready field in the State. The rise of the Ittehad-ul-Musaltnin and its militant wing, the Razakars under the leadership, first of Bahadur Yar Jang, a Jdgirddr, and then of Kasim Razvi, was a feature of the period between 1930 and 1940 in the State.
In 1930, Sir William Barton, Resident of Hyderabad, submitted a memorandum containing the following significant observations : " Flung almost completely across the Indian Peninsula, the great State of Hyderabad holds a strategic position of the first importance both from the political and military point of view. In an emergency, it could practically isolate the South from the North1" . Though the vanity of the Nizam was tickled by fulsome words used in official pronouncements, he was reminded of his subservience whenever an occasion arose. Lord Reading, in his famous letter of March 26, 1926, addressed to the Nizam, refused to treat the Indian Princes as equals, whatever the language of the treaties. According to the Viceroy, responsibility for the defence and internal security of the country gave the paramount power the right to intervene at its discretion in the internal affairs of the State3. The establishment of a State Congress was opposed by the Government and many obstructions were placed in its functioning. Restrictions on religious and civil liberties agitated public feelings throughout the State. They had their repercussions in other parts of India. The Satydgā rha sponsored by Ā rya Samaj in 1938 for the removal of religious disabilities was a turning point in the history of Hyderabad. In this Satydgrā ha the Government found itself for the first time very much on the defensive. The State Congress, too, offered Satydgrā ha at this time to achieve its right of establishing itself. Among the leaders of public opinion who emerged into the forefront of the struggle at this time were Govindrav Nanal, a pleader from Parbhani, Digambarrav Bindu who later became Home Minister in the Government of Hyderā bā d, Dr. Melkote, later Minister for Finance, B. Ramkrishna Rao, later Chief Minister, Vinayakrav Koratkar, the son of Keshavrav Koratkar, Swami Ramanand Tirth, Phul- chand Gandhi, K. V. Ranga Reddi and others.
1 K. M. Munshi, the End of and Era, Hyderabd Memories, p. xxii,
2 Ibid
In 1937, feeling that some reforms were necessary in the State. Government appointed a Committee under Divan Bahadur Aravamudu Ayyangar to suggest a scheme of reforms for the State. The terms of reference for the Committee were. however, only to suggest the setting up of a body through whom Government would be in a position to ascertain the wishes of the people. The theory was that the Nizam held his power from God and that he could not surrender his sovereignty to the people. The Committee suggested a very modest scheme for the setting up of an Assembly representative of various sections of the people. Even this scheme was opposed tooth and nail by the Ittehā d-ul-Musalmin and the Razakars led by Bahadur Yar Jang, who felt that it would mean a surrender of the right of a Muslim to the majority community. Meanwhile the Second World War had broken out in September 1939 and no further progress in the setting up of the Assembly could take place. When the War ended in 1945, the entire country was in the throes of the “Quit India” movement. In Hyderabad Bahadur Yar Jang had been followed by the extremist leader Kasim Razvi. Bands of militant Razakars spread all over the State creating a great sense of insecurity among the people. As the hour of India's Independence drew nearer, the rabid communal activities of the Ittehā d-ul-Musalmin increased in volume and violence. The State Congress fought valiantly against these elements. Meanwhile the Government of Hyderā bā d which had till now been led by moderates like Sir Mirza Ismail had come into the hands of the Razakar-supported leaders, who brought the State to a difficult position, through their spirit of adventurism.
India won its Independence in 1947. The future of Hyderā bā d was now to be settled. Public opinion in Hyderā bā d was overwhelmingly in favour of joining the Indian Union. This was opposed by the leader of the Razakars who now controlled the Government. All efforts of moderates like Sir Mirza Ismail and Sir Sultan Ahmad to establish relations between the Indian Union and Hyderabad in consonance with the realities of the situation were opposed by the Razakars. The movement of the State Congress to force Hyderā bā d to join the Indian Union was strongly attacked by the communal elements. In the latter struggle thousands went to jail and suffered heavily at the hands of the administration. Due to the activities of the Razakars hundreds of thousands of Hindus had to flee the State and to take shelter in numerous camps set up by the sympathetic Indian opinion across the borders. The district of Parbhani too had its share of public workers who fought and suffered. At last on September 13, 1948, the Government of India moved into the Nizam's State and after a brief but brilliant police action put an end to the intolerable conditions prevailing in the State. The State of Hyderabad acceded to the Indian Union. Soon after, elections were held in the State and a representative Government was set up.
In 1956, following the reorganisation of States, Parbhani along with the other districts of Marathvada region became a part of the then Bombay State. Subsequently with the creation of the State of Maharastra in 1960, it became a part of the new State.